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This Hisiofy will comprise Seven Volumes: 

Vol. I. Dynasties I.-XVI. By W. M. F. PETRIE 



Vol. IV, Ptolemaic Egypt. 

Vol. V. Roman Egypt. By J. G. MILNE 

Vol. VI. Arabic Egypt. By STANLEY LANE POOLE 


* * * 

THE present volume of the history of Egypt comprises 
only a short period of a few centuries ; but a period 
which is more full of material than any other age 
of Egypt. The foreign wars, the contact with other 
nations, the architectural activity, the luxury and 
brilliance of this cycle, all render it the most attractive 
in the long history of the country. 

The present statement of the material is therefore on 
a far larger scale than in the previous volume ; the 
standard of leaving no fact or monument referring to 
the regal history unnoticed, having been maintained 

Such a text -book is of necessity only a work of 
reference in many parts ; but general observations on 
the condition of the country, and the circumstances 
of the rule, have given scope for summarising the 
view suitably for the historical reader. In particular, 
the decline of Egyptian rule in Syria has been for the 
first time treated as a consecutive history. 

Regarding the references, the various sources have 
been compared, and the best text selected : where 
accuracy is equal, the later publications and the English 
publications have been preferred. 






INDEX ,-.-... 343 



1. Palette of Ta'aa. Scale J. Louvre .... 6 

2. Throw-stick of Thuau. Scale T V Ghizeh ... 6 

3. Coffin of Seqenenra. Ghizeh . , . . .8 

4. Gold ring- of Aah'hotep. Louvre . , . . 9 

5. Dagger of Aah'hotep. Scale f. Ghizeh . . . 11 

6. Axe of Aah'hotep. Scale . Ghizeh , . . . n 

7. Golden boat of Kames. Ghizeh . , . . 12 

8. Axe and dagger of Kames. Scale |. Ghizeh . . 14 

9. Spear head of Kames. Scale $. Evans ... 14 

10. Scarab of Aahmes, P.P. Coll 36 

11. Oxen drawing sledge. Turrah. (L.D.) . . . 37 

12. Coffin of Aahmes Nefertari. Ghizeh , . . . 41 

13. Statuette of Nefertari. Turin 42 

14. Plaque of Merytamen. P.P. Coll 43 

15. Cartouche of Aahmes 'henfta'meh. P.P. Coll, . . 43 

16. Figure of Aahmes 'sa 'pa 'ir. P.P. Coll. , . . . 44 

17. Cartouches of Araenhotep I. P.P. Coll. ... 45 

18. Head of Amenhotep I. Turin. (L. D.). . . . 47 

19. Coffin of Amenhotep I. Ghizeh 49 

20. Tablet of Amenhotep I. B. Mus 51 

21. Scarab of Aah'hotep. P.P. Coll 52 

22. Paheri nursing Uazmes. El Kab. (L,D.) . . . 52 

23. Scarab of Amenmes. P.P. Coll. . . . . . 153 

24. Scarab of Nebta. P.P. Coll 57 

25. Sensenb. Deir el Bahri 58 

26. Tahutmes I. Deir el Bahri 63 

27. Mummy of Tahutmes I. Ghizeh 64 

28. Obelisk of Tahutmes I. Karnak 67 

29. Scarabs of Tahutmes I. Louvre 69 

30. Head of Queen Aahmes. Deir el Bahri . . . 70 

31. Head of Queen Aahmes. Deir el Bahri ... 70 

32. Ivory wand of Aahmes. Turin ..... 70 

33* Queen Mufnefert. Ghizeh 71 

34- Princess Khebt'neferu. Deir el Bahri. (L.D.) . . 71 



35. Mummy of Tahutmes II. Profile and front. Ghizeh . 74 

36. Portrait of Tahutmes II 75 

37. Coffin of Tahutmes II 75 

38. Princess Neferura. Deir el Bahri. (R.S.) ... 77 

39. Scarabs of Neferura. P.P. Coll ',J 

40. Queen Hatshepsut. Deir el Bahri .... 80 

41. Sculpture of Deir el Bahri . . % . . . 82 

42. Ships and pile houses of Punt. Deir el Bahri. (D.H.) 84 
43' Egyptian soldiers. Deir el Bahri ..... 85 

44. Statue of Senmut. Berlin ...... 89 

45. Tahutmes II. and sacred cow. Deir el Bahri. (D.H.) 91 

46. Chair of Hatshepsut. B. Mus 92 

47. Scarab of Hatshepsut and Usertesen III. Louvre . 94 

48. Gold ring of Tahutmes III. P.P. Coll 100 

49. Tahutmes III. B. Mus 102 

50. Map of approach to Megiddo 104 

51. Chiefs " smelling the ground. " Qurneh . . . 109 

52. Chief of Tunep and artist. Qurneh . . . .109 

53. Syrian chariot. Rekhmara . . . . . .no 

54. Syrian captives with vases. Rekhmara . . . in 

55. Syrian dishes . . . . . . . . . . 1 1 1 

56. Staff with human head. (Pr. A.) . . . . . in 

57. Chair. Amen 'ken . TII 

58. Inlaid table. Amen 'ken , in 

59. Golden dish. Syria. (Pr. A.) 112 

60. Jar of wine. Rekhmara. . . . . . .112 

61. Copper vase. Syria. (Pr. A.) . . . . . 113 

62. Cups from Syria. (Pr. A.) . . . , . .114 

63. Scarab of Tahutmes III. P.P. Coll 114 

64. Silver vase. Syria. Rekhmara 116 

65. Silver rings. Syria. Rekhmara 117 

66. Tribute from Punt. Rekhmara . . . . .117 

67. Gold vase. Syria. Rekhmara . . . . .118 

68. Bows. Syria. Amen'ken. . . . . . .119 

69. Golden lion's head. Syria. Rekhmara . . .120 

70. Golden deer's head. Syria. (Pr. A.) . , . . 120 

71. Shields. Syria. Amen'ken . . . . .120 

72. Quiver. Syria. Amen 'ken . . . . . .120 

73. Bull's head vase. Syria. Rekhmara . . . . 121 

74. Falchion. Amen'ken 122 

75. Suit of armour, Amen'ken . . . . .122 

76. Silver jug. Syria. Rekhmara , . . . .123 

77. Elephant. Syria. Rekhmara . . . . .124 

78. Alabaster vase, Tahutmes IU. F. P. Coll. . . 126 

79. Glass bead, Tahutmes III. F.P. Coll. . . . 127 

80. Columns, Tahutmes III. Karnak . . . 129 

81. Lotus pillars, Tahutmes III. Karnak . * . . 130 

82. Comparative diagram of obelisks . ; . 1 32 

83. Overseers of works. Puanvra . . . . .134 



84. Statue of Tahutmes III. Karnak . . . . 137 

85. Drawing board in squares. B. Mus 138 

86. Glass vase of Tahutmes III. (R.C.) . . . . .139 

87. Scarab of Tahutmes III. P.P. Coll ,140 

88. Rekh'ma-ra, from his tomb. Qurneh .... 141 

89. Head of Tahutmes III. DeirelBahri. . . . ,143 

90. Hieratic labels of Nebtau and Takhet a . . . 145 

91. Syrian scarab of Tahutmes III. Long , . . ,145 

92. Usertesen I., old Egyptian type ,148 

93. Zey, new Egypto-Syrian type , . , . .149 

94. Head of servant. Khaemhat. (Pr.A,). . . . 150 

95. Head of priestess. (Pr.A.) 151 

96. Amenhotep II. and nurse. (L.D.) . . . . 154 

97. Head of Amenhotep II. Karnak. . . . . 156 

98. Kneeling statue of Amenhotep II. (L.D.) . . . 160 

99. Scarab of Amenhotep II. as a hawk. P.P. Coll, . 162 
100. Scarab of Amenhotep II. with uraei. B. Mus. . . 162 
joi. Scarab of Amenhotep II., born at Memphis. F. P. Coll. 162 

102. Glass and stone vases. Ra. (Pr.A.) . . . .163 

103. Boy shooting at a target. (D.E.) .... 166 

104. Head of Tahutmes IV. (L.D.) ,168 

105. Group of tied lotus, early. (L.D.) . . . .169 

106. Group of tied lotus, late. (L.D.) 169 

107. Scarab of Tahutmes IV. F. P. Coll 171 

1 08. Scarab of Tahutmes IV. F. P. Coll. .... 171 

109. Ring of Tahutmes IV. F. P. Coll. .... ,171 
no. Tahutmes IV. offering to Osiris. (M.A.) . . . ,172 
in. Queen Mutemua. (L.D.) 173 

112. Head of Amenhotep III. (C.M.) 177 

1 13. Amenhotep III. and his ka. (L.D.) .... 178 

114. Chariot of Khaemhat. (L.D.) J 79 

115. Head of Tyi. F. P. Coll. (P.A.). .... 182 

1 16. Head of man of Ynuamu. (P. A.) . . . .182 

117. Head of Nefertiti. Amherst. (P. A.) .... 182 

118. Head of Amenhotep III. (L.D.) 184 

119. Amenhotep III. on his throne. Khaemhat. (L.D.) . 186 

120. Amenhotep III. B. Mus 188 

121. Colonnade at Luqsor . . . . . . . 191 

122. Ram from Napata, Berlin .194 

123. Pottery and silver rings, Amenhotep III. F. P. Coll. . 195 

124. Large motto scarabs of Amenhotep III. F. P. Coll. , 195 
12$. Head of Khaemhat. Berlin 199 

126. Head of Amenhotep III. (L.D.) 202 

127. Court artist Auta, painting, (L.D.) .... 204 

128. Head of Amenhotep IV. (L.D.) 208 

129. Head of Amenhotep IV. (Pr. M.) 209 

130. Amenhotep IV. supporting the Aten. F.P. Coll. . 210 

131. Cartouches of Aten. (P. A.). ..... 212 

132. Akhenaten and Nefertiti. (L.D.). . . 213 



133. Akhenaten, Nefertiti, and daughters. (L.D.) . , 217 

134. Group of women, (L.D.) 219 

135. Foliage on column. (P. A.) 219 

136. School of music and dancing, (L.D.) . . . , 222 

137. Ushabti of Akhenaten. P.P. Coll 222 

138. Head of Akhenaten. Louvre 224 

139. Scarabs of Amenhotep IV. F. P. Coll. . . .225 

140. Group of scribes. Florence 228 

141. Death cast of Akhenaten. Ghizeh .... 230 

142. Nefertiti offering 1 . Amherst. (P. A.) .... 230 

143. Princesses and Nezenvmut. (L.D.) . . . 232 

144. Rings of Ankh'kheperu'ra. (P. A.) .... 234 

145. Rings of Ankh "kheperu 'ra. (P. A,) ... 234 

146. Ring of Merfaten. (P. A.) 234 

147. Head of Tutankhamen. (L.D.) ..... 236 

148. Rings of Tutankhamen. (P. A.) 236 

149. Ring of Ankhsenamen. (P. A.) 237 

150. Pendant of Tutankhamen. (M.S.) . 237 

151. Alabaster vase of Tutankhamen. F. P. Coll. . . 237 

152. Ring of Tutankhamen. F. P. Coll 238 

153. Head of Queen Ty. (L.D.) 239 

154. Ay and Ty, from their tomb. Dr. May , . . 240 

155. Scarab of Ay. F. P. Coll 242 

156. Head of Horemheb. (L.D.) ..... 245 

157. Negroes and Asiatics adoring. (Pr. A. ) . . . 249 

158. Ring of Nezenvmut. F. P. Coll 250 

159. Scarab of Horemheb. F. P. Coll. . . .251 

160. Head of Horemheb. (R.A.). ..... 253 

161. Negroes, Silsileh. (L.D.) ..... . 254 

162. Map of Syria, under Amenhotep IV. .... 319 

163. Southern Syria under Tahutmes III. . . . 324 

164. Map of Northern Syria ...... 330 a 


A L'Anthropologie (Journal). 

A.B. . . . Arundale and Bonomi Gallery (Brit. Mus.). 

A. E. . . . L'Arche^ologie Egyptienne (Maspero). 

A.L. . . . Archseologia, London, Society of Antiquaries. 

A, Mus. . . Ashmolean Museum. 

A,R. . . . Archaeological Report, Egypt Exploration Fund. 

A.Z. . . . Zeitschrift Aeg, Sprache. 

B.A.G. . . Berlin Anthrop. Gesellsch. 

B.C. ... Catalogue, 1894. 

Bd.A. . . . Breasted, Hymn to Aten. 

B.E. . . . Baedeker, Egypt. 

Berl. . . . Berlin Museum. 

B.G. . . . Brugsch, Geographic. 

B.G.I. . . Geog. Inschrift. 

B.H. . . . History. 

B.I.E. . . Bulletin Inst., Egypt. 

B.I.H.D. . Birch, Inscr. Hieratic Demotic. 

B.M.C. . . Bliss, Mound of many Cities. 

B. Mus. . . British Museum. 

B.O D. . . Bezold, Oriental Diplomacy. 

B.P. . . . Birch, Pottery. 

B.R. . . . Brugsch, Recueil. 

B.R.P. . . Birch, Two Rhind Papyri. 

B.Rs. . . . Brugsch, Reiseberichte. 

B.T. . . . ,, Thesaurus. 

B.X. . . . Burton, Excerpta. 

C.B. . . . Champollion, Lettre Due Blacas. 

C.E. . . . Chabas, Melanges Egypt. 

C.F. . . . Champollion, Figeac Egypt. Anc. 

C.L. ... Lettres, ed. 1868. 

C.M. ... ,, Monuments. 

C.N. . . . Notices. 

C.O.E. . . Congr^s Oriental, St. Etienne, 1878. 

D.D. , . . Duemichen, Baugesch. Denderatempels, 

D. E. . . . Description de 1'Egypte, 


D.F. . . . Duemichen, Flotte. 
D.H. ... Histor. Insclir. 

D.O. . .. . Oasen. 

E. Coll. . . Edwards Collection. 

E.G. . . . Ebers, Gozen zum Sinai. 

E. L. . . . Etudes ded. Leemans. 

F. H. . . . Fraser, Graffiti of Hat-nub. 
F. Mus. . . Florence Museum. 

F. P. Coll. . Flinders Petrie Collection. 
G.Bh. . . . Griffith, Beni Hasan. 

G. Coll. . . Grant Collection. 

G. H. . . . Golenischeff, Hammamat. 

G.K. . . . Griffith, Kahun Papyri. 

G. Mus. . . Ghizeh Museum. 

G.N. . . . Gardner, Naukratis ii. 

G.O. . . . Gorringe, Egyptian Obelisks. 

G.S. . . . Griffith, Siut. 

H.B. ... Hawkins, Belmore Tablets (Brit. Mus.). 

H. Coll. . . Hilton Price Collection. 

J.A.I. . . . Jour. Anthrop. Institute. 

L.A. . . . Lepsius, Auswahl. 

Lb. D. . . Lieblein, Dictionary of Names. 

Lb. P. . . ,, St. Petersburg-. 

L.C. . . . Leyden Congress. 

L.D. . . . Lepsius, Denkmaler. 

L. K. . ,, Konigsbuch. 

L.L. ... Letters (English edit.). 

L. Mus. . . Leyden Museum. 

L.T. . . . Lanzone, Catalogue of Turin. 

M.A. . . . Mariette, Catalogue Abydos. 

M.A. ii. . . ,, Abydos ii. 

M.A.B. . . ,, Album de Boulaq. 

M.A. F. . . Mission Archeol. Franc., Cairo. 

M.B. . . . Mariette, Catal. Boulaq, 6th edit. 

M. Coll. . . Murch Collection (Chicago). 

M,D. . . . Monuments Divers. 

M.D.B. . . Mariette, Deir el Bahri. 

M.E. . . . Muse*e Egyptian. 

M.E.E. . . Maspero, Etudes Egypt. 

Mel. . . . Melanges d'Arch. Egypt (Maspero). 

M.F.D. . . De Morgan, Fouilles a Dashur. 

M.G. . . , Meyer, Geschichte. 

M.I. . . ,. De Morgan, Monuments et Inscriptions* 

M.K. . . . Mariette, Karnak. 

M.M. . . . Mastabas. 

M.S. ... ,, Serapeum. 

M.S. Ms. . , ,, Serapeum, ed. Maspero. 

Ms. A. . . Maspero, L'Archologie Egypt. * 

Ms. C. . . ,, Contes Populaires. 


Ms. E. . . Maspero, Enquete Judicaire. 

Ms. G. , . ,, Guide Bulaq. 

Ms. M. . . ,, Momies de Deir el Bahari. 

Ms. M.P.L. ,, Mem. Papyr. Louvre. 

My. E, . . Murray, Egypt. 

N.A. . . Naville, Ahnas. 

N.A.P. . . ,, Ahnas, Paheri. 

N.Aeg. . . Nicholson, Aegyptiaca. 

N.B. . . . Naville, Bubastis. 

N.D.B. . . ,, DeirelBahri. 

N.Bh. . - Newberry, Beni Hasan. 

O. Coll. . . Owen's College, Manchester. 

O.T. , . . Orcurti, Catalogue Turin. 

P. A. . . . Petrie, Tell el Amarna. 

P.H . . ,, Hawara. 

P.I. . . Illahun. 

P.K. . . . ,, Kahun. 

P.L. . . Pierret, Louvre Catalogue, Salle historique. 

P.M. . . . Petrie, Medum. 

P. Mus. . . Paris (Louvre) Museum. 

P.N. . . ' , Petrie, Nebesheh. 

P. O.K. . . Prokesch van Osten, Nilfahrt. 

P.P. . . . Petrie, Pyramids of Gizeh. 

P.R, . . . Pierret, Recueil Inscrip. Louvre. 

P.S. . . . Petrie, Season 1887. 

P.Sc. ... ,, Scarabs. 

P.T. i.andii. ,, Tanis, i. and ii. 

Pap. T. . . Papyri of Turin, Pleyte and Rossi. 

Ph. Miis. . Philadelphia Museum. 

Pr. A. . ' . Prisse, Art. 

Pr. M. ,, Monuments. 

R.A. . , . De Rouge\ Album. 

R.C. . . . Revue Critique. 

R.E. . . . De Rouge^ Etudes Egypt. 

R.L. . . . Rosellini, Mon. Civili. 

K'M.L. . . De Roug, Monuments Egn. du Louvre. 
R.P. i. toxviii. Records of the Past, series I. i.-xii,; series II. i.-vi. 

R.R. . . . Rosellini, Mon. Religious (del Culto). 

R.S. . . . ,, Mon. Storici. 

R.S.D. . . De Roug, Six Dynasties. 

Rec. . . . Recueil de Trauvaux, Egypt. 

Rev. A. . . Revue Archseologique. 

S.B.A. , . Soc. Biblical Archaeol. Proceedings. 

S.B.A.T. . ,, lf ,, Transactions. 

S.Cat. F. . Schiaparelli, Catalogue Florence. 

S.I. . . . Sharpe, Inscriptions. 

S.N. . . Stuart, Nile Gleanings. 

S.S. . . Schuckhardt, Schliemann. 

S.S.A, . . Schack-Schackenborg, Unterw. des K. Amenemhat. 


S.T. . . . Schiaparelli, Tomba Herchuf. 

T. Mus. . . Turin Museum. 

T.P. . . . Papyrus. 

V.G. . . . Virey, Catalogue Ghizeh. 

V.P. . . . Vyse, Pyramids. 

W.G. . . . Wiedemann, Geschichte. 

W.G.S. . . ,, ,, Supplement. 

W.M.C. . . Wilkinson, Manners and Customs, ed. Birch. 

W.T. ... Thebes 

The above works, and others, can be consulted in the Edwards 
Library 9 University College, London* 



THE rise of this dynasty is wholly lost to sight under 
the Hyksos power. It is only with the later kings who 
began to assert their independence, or perhaps with the 
intermarriage of an invading and assertive family from 
the south, that any historical personages appear. The 
details of the relationships involve so many considera- 
tions, and so much acquaintance with the family, that 
it is better to study them after an outline of the period ; 
they are therefore placed here at the end of this 
volume, and should be referred to for seeing the reasons 
for the arrangement adopted. 

'So far as the details are yet known, it appears that 
the royal family at the close of the XVIIth dynasty 
stands thus 

= *Aah*hotep I. = Seqenenra III. 

Ka-mes S'khent'neb'ra Aah'mes I. = *Nefertari 


*Aah'hotep II. = Amenhotep I. = Setrsenb 

1 i i 

*Aahmes = Tatiutmes I. 


In order to see how far the ages and other data 
agree, it is best to tabulate the chronology ; not as 
laying down what is certain, but only as proving that 
no hidden discordance lies in what is already supposed 
to be ascertained. The fixed points that we have to 
deal with are the lengths of the reigns of Aahmes and 
Amenhotep, the ages of Seqenenra and Aahmes 
(about 40 and 55 respectively at death, see Ms. M. 
528, 535), the successive marriages of Aah'hotep, 
the eight princes and princesses who were, some, or 
all, probably her children after the birth of those who 
came to the throne, and the general presumption of 
the ages of marriage. We see in the following table, 
that there will be nothing contradictory among these 
data ; and, with the exception of the very uncertain 
length of the short reigns of Kames and S'khent'neb'ra 
(for which an assumption has been made, regulated 
by the age and family of their mother), there is pro- 
bably not much uncertainty in these statements. 



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o Nefertari 



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mes and Skhentn< 
eir children. On 
mated, in order 
certain, as will 



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We may now approximately arrange the reigns and 
dates of the XVIIth dynasty 



XVII. (Beginning- of dynasty) .... 1738 

5. ? Se'qeneirra (I.) Ta'aa 

6. Se-qenen-ra (II.) Ta'aa'aa 


7. Se-qeneivra (III.) Ta'aa-ken 


8. Uaz'kheper'ra Ka'mes 


9. Se*khent*neb*ra 


XVIII. Aahmes 


Of the earlier part of this dynasty we know nothing. 
The resemblance of Seqenenra III. to the Berber type 
points to these kings having come down from 
Ethiopia. A new dynasty beginning with Aahmes 
seems to have been due to the break in the family, 
he being descended of an Egyptian and not an 
Ethiopian father. This dynasty, then, would seem to 
have been descended from a part of the royal Egyptian 
line which had taken refuge in the far south to escape 
from the Hyksos oppression ; and was there mingled 
with southern blood, and became of the dark Berber 
type. As the Hyksos power decayed, this southern 
family fought its way northward again, and so laid 
the foundation of the XVIIIth dynasty. For the date 
of the beginning of this dynasty we have only the 
statement of Manetho, which gives 151 years for the 
duration of it. Of the first eighty years, or so, we 
have no names remaining ; perhaps they should be 
sought in Nubia rather than in Egypt, as there is no 
allusion to tombs of the predecessors of the Seqenenras 
at Thebes. 

Rahotep, as we have noticed in vol. i., belongs to 


the XVIth rather than to the XVIIth dynasty, as he 
reigned at Koptos, and therefore quite under the 
Hyksos power. This points to his being* a vassal under 
the great Hyksos kings, and not one of the fighting 
family who ejected them, as there is no place for him 
anywhere in the later part of this dynasty when it was 
becoming independent, 

We- will now notice the actual remains of these kings 
before proceeding to notice their great work of ex- 
pelling the Hyksos. 


i6 3 s B.C. 

f n 2 N about 

XVII. 5? SE-QENEN'RA! Q ' AA/WVA ^/j I 1660- 
v ! z* >1i6i< B.( 

/ ' ^ .~^J 
[ r-YO n I 

V i fl _^ 


Palette (Louvre) (C.M. 191 bis, 3). 

Throw-stick Draa-abul-neg-a (M.D. 51). 

Abbott papyrus (Ms. E. 230). 

ueen, Aah'hotep. 

Idest son, Aahmes (died young) (Rec. xi. 1 59). 

Son, Thuau. (M.D. 51, b i). 
Daughter, Aahmes. 

The existence of this king, as separate from his 
successors, is shown by the Abbott papyrus containing 
the Ramesside inspection of the royal tombs. His 
tomb is there named ; and it is followed by that of 
Sekenenra Ta'aa'aa, or the great Ta'aa, whose name 
we might otherwise have supposed to be a variant 
of Ta'aa, remembering the confusion of the Antef 
names. This king's tomb is named next after that of 
Sebek'enrsauf, and is described thus: "The tomb of 
king (Seqenenra), son of the sun (Ta'aa), examined 
this day by the masons, was found intact. " The only 
contemporary objects bearing the king's name are a 
palette in the Louvre, on which he is said to be beloved 


[DYN. XVIL 5, 

of Amen *ra and of Safekh ; a throw-stick found in the 
tomb of Aqrhor at Draa-abul-nega, which bears the 
cartouche Ta*aa, and the name of the king's son 
Thuau ; and an important statue of the king's eldest 

FIG. i. Palette of Ta-aa. 
i : 2. Louvre. 

son Aahmes, deceased, made 

by his father Ta'aa a, his 

mother the king's daughter 

and queen Aalrhotep, and 

his sister Aahmes (Rec. xi. 

159). Though at first sight 

these names Aahmes and 

Aahhotep would seem to point 

to this being of Ta'aa*qen, 

yet we have to balance the probability of the Aah names 

having been earlier in use in the family, against the 

improbability of Ta*aa*qen being written without his 

FIG. 2. Throw -stick 
of Thuau. i : is. 

B.C. 66o-i635*3 


distinctive title qen> and being thus confused with his 
ancestors. This monument seems, then, rather to 
belong to Ta'aa, whose name is on it, than to either of 
the following kings. 

XVII. 6? 




about 1635 
1610 B.C. 

Of this king nothing is known except the mention 
of his tomb in the Abbott papyrus. Following the 
account of his predecessor's tomb, we read : "The tomb 
of the king (Se*qenen*ra), son of the sun (Taaii'aa), who 
is the second king (Ta'aa), examined on this day by 
the masons, was found intact." 

XVII. 7? f~ 






Deir el Bahri 

; M 
A i 

"*"* S\ 

(Ms. M. 526). 

Coffin and mummy 
Queen, Aah'hotep. 

Coffin ^ *> ( Ms. G. 77-84. 

Canopicjars > Draa-abttl-nega < M.B. 810-839. 
Jewellery ) Ghizeh Mus. ( 

Gold ring Louvre P. Sc. 760. 

C h tfcfrm Nefert *ari. 

And by the sequence in the tomb of Khabekht probably 
also Binpu, Uazmes, Rames, Kenaru, Aahmes, 
*Ka'mes, *Sat'ir'bau, *Ta'khred-qa. 
(of Aah'hotep by previous husband, 
Kamcs, Se'khent'neb'ra, Aahmes). 

The coffin and mummy of this king were found in the 
great deposit of royal mummies in the tomb at Deir el 
Bahri or "the northern convent" at Thebes, The out- 


[DN. xvn. 7. 

line of this discovery is given at the close of this volume. 
The body of Seqenenra had probably been shifted from 
one hiding-place to another, like the bodies and coffins 
of the other kings whose removals are inscribed upon 
them. Lastly, it was laid in the tomb of the priest-kings 
until removed to the museum at Cairo. 

The coffin is heavy in style, like those of the Antefs, . 
with a single line of inscription down the front. The 
mummy shows that the king died on the field of battle. 
From the position of the wounds, it appears that he was 

first struck down 
by an enemy on 
his left hand, who 
attacked him by a 
violent blow on 
the side of the 
head in front of 
the ear, and the 
tongue was bitten 
between the teeth 
in the agony of 
the conflict ; the 
next stroke was 
mortal, an axe 
crashed through 
the left side of 
the head, leaving 
an opening two 
inches long ; and a 
dagger-cut above 
the right eyebrow 
completed the attack. The body was recovered by his 
subjects, and reverently preserved for embalming and 
burial. Closely wrapped up, so that the soft parts 
putrefied instead of drying in the open air, it was 
carried for many days to Thebes, where it was as fully 
preserved as the condition of it allowed ; but the bones 
of the body and the left arm were entirely bared of 
flesh. The king appears to have been of the Berber 
type, tall, slender, and vigorous, with a small, long 

FIG. 3. Coffin of Seqenenra. Ghizeh. 

B.C. 1610-1597.] 


head, and fine black hair. The beard was shaved, but 
not the hair of the head (Ms. M. 527, 771, 776; pi. iii.). 
A rude stone seal found at Thebes may belong" to this, 
or to a previous king Seqenenra. 

His wife Aah'hotep was one of the great queens of 
Egyptian history, important as the historic link of the 
dynasties, and revered along with her 
still more celebrated and honoured 
daughter Nefertari. We have already 
noticed how her son Aahmes (so de- 
scribed on Edfu stele, Rec. ix. 93, Ms. 
M. 626) was of the ordinary Egyptian 
complexion, while her daughter Nefertari 
(so placed in the series of Khabekht, 
L.D. iii. 2a, and called royal daughter) 
was black. As Seqenenra was Berber, 
Nefertari might be three-quarters black ; 
while Aahmes, if son of an Egyptian 
husband, might be three-quarters Egyptian, thus 
accounting for the difference. The age of Aahmes 
at his accession, after the insignificant reigns of his 
brothers, shows that he was the son of a first husband, 
implying that Aatrhotep first married an Egyptian, 
and secondly, Seqenenra. The importance of Nefertari 
as heiress shows that the queen had no daughter by 
her first husband. The reign of Kames before Aahmes 
shows that he was the elder brother. And the presence 
of Se-khent-neb'ra between Aahmes and Kames (tomb 
of Khabekht, L.D. iii. 2a) shows that he was another 
brother, who probably reigned briefly between them. 
Thus we reach the relationships. 

FIG. 4. Gold ring 
of Aah'hotep. 

x = Aah'hotep 





= Seqenenra 

Though the reasons for this arrangement are not 
very strong, yet there are no objections to it so far 
known, and the resulting chronology is not discordant. 

10 - SE'QENEN'RA III [DVN. xvn. 7. 

Two documents serve to show the long life of the 
queen. A Theban stele of Kames (Rec. ix. 94) states, 
in the tenth year of Amenhotep I., that Aah'hotep I., the 
royal mother, was still acting. According to the dates, 
she would then be eighty-eight years old ; and this 
cannot be abbreviated, as it is made up of fixed amounts, 
the birth of Aahmes (second or third son) about her 
twentieth year, his fifty-five years of life (Ms. M. 535), 
and the ten years of reign of Amenhotep. The other 
stele, of lufi (Rec. ix. 92), appears to show that Aah'hotep 
was still alive under Tahutmes I., when she must have 
been about a hundred years old. She must certainly 
have had, therefore, a long life, and have seen the whole 
revolution of the rise of Egypt, born under Hyksos 
rule, and dying with the wealth of Asia around her, won 
by her son, grandson, and great-grandson. 

The name of Aah'hotep is familiar in connection with 
the beauty of her jewellery, which, till the discoveries 
at Dahshur, has been an unique treasure. The coffin 
containing the mummy and jewellery was found slightly 
buried in the ground at Draa-abul-Nega, the northern 
and most ancient end of the cemetery of Thebes, where 
lie the tombs of the Xlth dynasty. It is certain that 
such was not its original site, and that it must have 
been taken from a royal tomb. By whom ? Not by 
the Arab plunderers of the Deir el Bahri tomb, as has 
been suggested ; nor by any regular tomb thieves, sucfr 
as plundered the tombs in the Ramesside age. Neither 
of such parties would encumber themselves with 
moving a great coffin and a mummy, when all the 
valuables might be gathered up in a few minutes 
and put into a bag. Such a reburial of an intact 
mummy in its heavy case, shows a care and respect 
for it such as no plunderer would have had. Rather 
must it have been taken out of the tomb by pious hands, 
when the disorganisation of government could no longer 
protect the tombs from thieves or foes, and have been 
committed unmarked and unseen to the safe keeping of 
the earth, for fear of the fate which awaited it if left in 
the well-known tomb. It was a part of that care for 

B.C. 1610-1597.] 


the royal dead which led to the kings being moved from 
tomb to tomb, and lastly hidden at Deir el Bahri. How 

FIG. 5. Inlaid dagger of Queen 
Aah'hotep. Scale, 2 : 5. 

FIG. 6. Inlaid axe of Queen 
Aalrhotep. Scale, i : 5. 


[DYN. xvn. 7. 

many more of the royal tombs may have been thus 
emptied, and their contents safely hidden in the sand, 
we may never know or suspect. This coffin was only 
found accidentally by some natives in 1860 ; was con- 
fiscated by the Mudir of Qeneh, and lastly seized by 
Mariette for the new museum. 

The coffin of wood is plain in the body and coloured 
blue. The lid is massive, entirely gilt, carved with the 
face and wig, and covered by the wings of Isis over the 
body, like the Antef coffins. Within the coffin was the 
mummy, with four canopic jars, and with some jewellery 
at the side of it, some within the wrappings, and some 
upon the corpse (M.B. 810). To enter on a full list of 

FIG. 7. -Boat of Kames. Ghizeh. 

the treasure here would be too lengthy, but we must 
notice the historical points. On the corpse were a" 
scarab and chain with the name of Aahmes on the 
fastening, besides three bracelets and a diadem, all with 
the name of Aahmes ; while within the wrappings were 
the gold axe and the dagger, both with the name of 
Aahmes. The personal ornaments of this queen were 
therefore provided by Aahmes, that is to say, when the 
queen was between fifty and seventy-five years old. 

But beside these objects of Aahmes, some with the 
name of her eldest son Kames were also found. In 
the coffin were two model barks with rowers : one of 
gold bore the name of Kames ; the other, of silver, 
was plain. The other objects were a fly-flap and bronze 
axes, of Kames ; and probably other bronze axes and a 

B.G. i6ro-i S 97.] AAH'HOTEP I 13 

spear of his, now in England, came from the same source. 
It has always been assumed that the whole of this outfit 
belonged solely to the queen. But as no object of 
Kames was within the bandages, but only loose in the 
open coffin, there is no such assurance. Rather it would 
seem that the valuables in the burial of Kames which 
were outside of his mummy had been hurriedly heaped 
together into the coffin of Aah'hotep, and so all carried 
out for safe burial. The two barks would thus belong, 
one to Kames, the other to Aah'hotep's own burial. 
And the bronze axes and spear are more likely to have 
been laid with a warrior king than with the queen. 
There is a strong suggestion in the arrangement of the 
lower line of figures in the tomb of Khabekht (L.D. iii. 
2a) that Aah'hotep had many other children. After the 
three brothers, Aahmes, Skhent'neb'ra, and Kames, 
there follow eight royal sons and daughters who do not 
belong to any later generation, as they never appear 
subsequently. These are Binpu (who occurs on a 
statuette, M.D. 48 b), Uaz*mes, Rames, Ken'aru, 
Aahmes, and the princesses Kames, Sat'irbau, and 
Ta'khredqa. The uniform order of sons together and 
daughters together, and the absence of any other im- 
portant ancestor connected with them, suggests that 
they are brothers and sisters of Aahmes, and children 
of Aah'hotep subsequent to Nefertari. 

XVII. 8? s y n <X> N about J 597 

UAZ-KHEPER-RA f Q j 3 W J 1591 B.C. 

Gold bark G. Mtis. (Ms. G. 82). 

Fly-flap G. Mus. (Ms. G. 83). 

Bronze axes G. Mus., B. Mus (M.B. 810; A.L. 

liii. 86-87). 

Spear head Evans Coll. (A.L. liii. 84, pi. i.). 

Scarab. Brocklehurst Coll. 

Tomb in Papyrus Abbott (Ms. E. 230). 


[DVN. xvii. 8. 

The position of this king 1 we have already discusse'd 
in the previous pages. His reign has left no traces 

FIG. 8. Axe and dagger of 
Kames. i : 4. Ghizeh. 

FIG. 9. Spear head of Kames. 
i': 5. Evans Coll. 

B.C. IS97-XS9I.J. KA-MES 15 

beyond his burial and subsequent adoration of him. 
That he cannot have come before the Seqenenra kings, 
is indicated by his jewellery resembling" that of Aahmes, 
and being placed with Aahrhotep, probably owing to 
his burial being close to hers, or in the same vault. 
But the absence of any work of his points to a brief 
reign ; and in allowing six years in the history for him we 
can hardly err much either way. A much longer reign 
would involve difficulties in the age of his mother. 

We have noticed that the objects found loose in the 
coffin of Aah'hotep probably came from the burial of 
Kames. Beside these, two bronze axes with his name 
are known (B. Mus. and Sir John Evans* Coll.), and a 
bronze spear head with a long inscription (Evans* Coll. 
See A.L. liii. 84). This reads, " The good god, lord of 
action, Uaz'kheperra. I am a valiant prince, beloved 
of Ra, begotten of Aah, born of Tehuti, son of the sun 
Ka'.mes eternally strong." Here there is the same 
fighting tone that we meet in the names Seqenenra, 
" Ra makes valiant," and " Taaa the valiant." There 
is also the link to the name of his mother and brother 
in his being " begotten of Aah." Another interesting 
link is in his being " born of Tehuti" (a confused idea 
of a god instead of a goddess bearing him) ; for it has 
been already pointed out that the XVIIIth dynasty had 
strong links to the lunar gods of Eshmunen or Hermo- 
polis, in the names Aahmes and Tahutimes (B.H. 273). 
Again, in the old Egyptian chronicle of Castor, the 
XVIIIth dynasty is Hermopolite. And a statuette of 
black basalt was obtained from Mellawi, and probably 
came from Eshmunen, bearing the name of a private 
person, Kames (P.P. Coll.), which shows the observance 
of the royal names in that town at the time. One 
scarab of this king was found about 1893, now in 
Brocklehurst Coll. 

The tomb of Kames is mentioned in the Abbott 
papyrus as having been inspected by the Ramesside 
officials. "The tomb of King Uaz'kheperra, son of 
the sun Ka'mes, examined in that day, was intact," 
(MS, E. 230). 

i6 SE'NEKHT'EN'RA CDYN. xvn. 9. 



Or SE'NEKHT'EN'RA ' W ' B ' C * 

This first name is only known in the list of the tomb 
of Khabakhnet (L.D. iii, 2a), where it occurs between 
the names of Kames and Aahmes, suggesting 1 that it 
was that of an intermediate brother-king. It has been 
suggested that this is a mistake for Se'nekht'en'ra, who 
is found in the list of Tahutmes III. at Karnak, and 
on the altar at Marseille (Rec. xiii. 146). From the 
resemblance of the hieratic writing of the two names, 
this appears not unlikely. The form Senekhtenra is 
the more likely to be correct, as being similar to 
Seqenenra in type and meaning. A king or perhaps 
a prince is named on a bronze dagger, Sa'ra (Beba* 
ankh) du ankh, and is doubtless of this age, though 
otherwise unknown (Greenwell Coll. A.L. liii. 93). 

We now come to consider the great struggle of this 
age, the expulsion of the Hyksos. As this extended 
over some generations, it will be best to treat it as a 
consecutive account, and not to divide the subject 
amongst the several reigns to which it belongs. 

From Manetho we have concluded (in vol. i.) that the 
Hyksos period consisted of three parts : 100 years of 
destructive invasion, 2098-1998 B.C.; then 260 years of 
the reigns of six great kings, who allowed their 
Egyptian vassals a lifelong rule, as they were 
thoroughly subdued, 1998-1738 B.C.; lastly, 151 years 
of weakening of the Hyksos power and continual 
conflict and rebellion, until Aahmes begins the XVIIIth 
dynasty. This last period is that of the XVI Ith 
dynasty, 1738-1587 B.C., and is that with which we now 
have to deal. 

F c, 1610-1587.] EXPULSION OF HYKSOS .17 

From the Berber type of Seqenenra, it seems probable 
that the dynasty had come from Ethiopia; and the 
earlier part of it, from about 1738 to perhaps 1660 B.C., 
of which we have no names, may have dwelt in Nubia, 
and only harassed the Hyksos from thence. That the 
Hyksos suzerainty under the great king's extended over 
^the whole land, is shown by the lintel of Apepa I. found 
as far south as Gebelen ; and by the building- in red 
granite of the same king, showing control of the Aswan 
quarries. But when we come to the time of Apepa II., 
Thebes was almost independent. That this is the 
Apepa of the tale of " Apepy and Seqenenra" is 
probable; because Apepa I. was much earlier than 
the Seqenen kings, and Apepa II. has a name, 
Aa*qenen*ra, closely akin to that of Seqenenra Ta*aa* 
qen. Apepa II. (see vol. i. p. 242) must therefore be 
one of the later Hyksos. 

The tale of Apepy and Seqenenra was considered to 
be exact history when first translated ; but latterly it 
has been the rather supposed to be a popular tale 
founded on the history, probably reflecting very closely 
the actual events. The papyrus (known as Sallier II., 
in B. Mus.) containing the tale is unfortunately only 
fragmentary ; and here we give the actual remains, 
with indication of some restorations (see Ms. C. 278). 

" It came to pass that the land of Egypt was a prey 
to plague (i.e. foreigners), and at that time there was 
no lord and king (i.e. no king over all the land)* At 
that time the king Seqenenra was prince (keg) of the 
south ; and the plague in the cities were the Amu, and 
Apepy was prince .(sar) in Hauar (Avaris), and com- 
manded the whole land with their works, and with all 
good things of the land of Egypt. Behold king Apepy 
made Sutekh as lord, and he served not any other god 
of the whole land except Sutekh. He built him the 
temple of work good for eternity . . . Apepy. And 
he went in procession each day to sacrifice the daily 
offerings to Sutekh, and the chiefs of the king were 
with garlands, as is done in the temple of Ra Harem* 
khuti. And the king Apepy sought words to send a 



message to the king Seqenenra, the prince (ur) of the 
town of the south (Thebes). 

" And many days after this the king Apepy called to 
him his great [chiefs, his captains, and his prudent 
generals, but they knew not what to say to the king 
Seqenenra, prince of the south country. The king 
Ra-Apepy therefore called unto him his cunning scribes 
(probably native Egyptians, like the present Copts), and 
they said to him, * Oh, lord our master, let this be 
good before thee,' and they gave to the king Ra-Apepy 
the words which he desired. * Let a messenger go to 
the prince of the town of the south, and say to him, 
"The king Ra-Apepy sends to say, . . . ] the canal of 
the hippopotami [which are in the canals of the country, 
that they may let me sleep both by night and by day 
. . . "] with him in taking, and will not approve to him 
any god which is in the land of Egypt except Amen Ra, 
king of the gods.' 

" And many days after this king Apepy sent to the 
prince (ur) of the south city the message which his 
cunning scribes had said to him ; and the messenger 
of king Apepy came unto the prince (ur) of the south 
city ; and they brought him before the prince of the 
south city. Then said he to the messenger of king 
Apepy, * What message bringest thou to the south 
city ? Wherefore art thou travelled hither ? ' The 
messenger answered him, saying, 'The king Apepy sends 
to thee, saying, " Let them ... on the canal of the 
hippopotami that are in the ... of the city . . . 
for sleep by night and by day is not able to come to 
me."* The prince of the south city was troubled, so 
that he knew not how to answer the messenger of king 
Ra-Apepy. The prince of the south then said to him, 
' Behold this which thy master sends for . . . the 
prince of the south land . . . the words which he sent 
to me . . . his goods . . .' The prince of the south 
land gave to the messenger all kinds of good things, of 
meat and of bread, of ...'... all this which thou 
hast said I intend . . .' The messenger "of king Apepy 
betook himself unto the place where his master was. 

B.C. 1610-1587.] EXPULSION OF HYKSOS 19 

Then the prince of the south land called to him his 
great chiefs, his captains, and his prudent generals, 
and he told unto them all the words about which king 
Apepy had sent unto him. And behold they were 
silent with one accord in great grief, neither knew they 
to reply either good or evil. 

"The king Ra- Apepy sent ..." 

Here unhappily the account ceases in this papyrus ; 
but enough remains to give a clear picture of the bully- 
ing by the Hyksos kings, and the terror of their vassals 
when they chose to pick a quarrel. The meaning of 
the message is obscure, and makes us the more regret 
the incompletion of the document. This is the only 
detailed view of the relations of the Hyksos to the 
Egyptians in the latter part of their sojourn. The king 
being named Seqenenra, shows that it must refer to the 
last century, or so, of the bondage ; but there is 
nothing to show to which king of that name this 
refers, if, indeed, the writer had any clear idea on the 

The only monumental notice of the destructions by 
the Hyksos is in the inscription of Hatshepsut on the 
front of the rock-cut temple, known as the Speos 
Artemidos, just south of Beni Hasan. In this the 
queen recites her re-establishment of the Egyptian 
power and worship. She describes the injuries to the 
country. "The abode of the Mistress of Qes (Kusae 
on west side) was fallen in ruin, the earth had covered 
her beautiful sanctuary, and children played over her 
temple. ... I cleared it and rebuilt it anew. ... I 
restored that which was in ruins, and I completed that 
which was left unfinished. For there had been Amu in 
the midst of the Delta and in Hauar, and the foreign 
hordes of their number had destroyed the ancient 
works ; they reigned ignorant of the god Ra " 
(Rec. iii. 2). 

For the period of the actual expulsion of the Hyksos 
there are but two documents, Manetho as recorded by 
Josephus, and the tomb of the warrior Aahmes at El 
Kab. We see in the tale of Apepa that during the 


Seqenenra period, somewhere between 1660 and 1600 
B.C., the Theban princedom was completely in the 
power of the Hyksos, and open war had not yet 
broken out, or become continuous. But the last 
Seqenenra died in battle, probably at some distance 
away, and yet was buried properly at Thebes. This 
points to the Theban powers having become independ- 
ent by 1597 B.C., and having a fighting frontier some 
way to the north, so that ceremonials at Thebes were 
uninterrupted. During the reign of Kames further 
advance was probably made by " the valiant prince," 
as we see that king Aahmes was able to besiege the 
stronghold of the Hyksos down in the Delta at the 
beginning of his reign, about 1585 B.C. So probably 
the Thebans had been gradually pushing their way 
north, and claiming independence, during perhaps 
twenty years before the country gathered itself together 
and made the grand effort of the expulsion under 
Aahmes ; and it was that effort which placed Aahmes 
on the throne as a victorious conqueror, and founded 
the XVIIIth dynasty. 

Manetho summarised the story, according to Josephus, 
in this form : " The kings of the Thebaid and of the 
rest of Egypt made insurrection against the Shepherds, 
and a long and mighty war was carried on between 
them, until the Shepherds were overcome by a king 
whose name was Alisphragmouthosis (var. Mis'phra* 
gmu'thosls^Aahmes'pakar'nub'thes'taui, * Aahmes, the 
golden Horus binding together the two lands,' a title of 
his referring to the united action in the war, and 
recovery of the Delta), and they were by him driven out 
of the other parts of Egypt, and hemmed up in a place 
containing about ten thousand arouras, which was 
called Auaris. All this tract the Shepherds surrounded 
with a vast and strong wall, that they might retain all 
their property and their prey within a hold of their 

"And Thummosis the son of Alisphragmouthosis 
tried to force them by a siege, and beleaguered the 
place with a body of four hundred and eighty thousand 

im*. xviii.] EXPULSION OF HYKSOS 21 

men ; but at the moment when he despaired of reducing 
them by siege, they agreed to a capitulation, that they 
would leave Egypt, and should be permitted to go out 
without molestation wheresoever they pleased. And, 
according to this stipulation, they departed from Egypt 
with all their families and effects, in number not less 
than two hundred and forty thousand, and bent their 
way through the desert towards Syria. But as they 
stood in fear of the Assyrians, who then had dominion 
over Asia, they built a city in that country which is now 
called Judaea, of sufficient size to contain this multitude 
of men, and named it Jerusalem." 

Here, then, it is represented that Aahmes shut them 
up in Auaris ; and that his son (or rather grandson), 
Tahutmes I., finally ejected them thence. This is, 
however, due to a confusion of the capture of Auaris 
with the subsequent Syrian wars of Tahutmes I. , as is 
shown by the contemporary account of one of the main 
actors in the struggle, the admiral Aahmes. He would 
certainly have recited the capture of Auaris under 
Tahutmes I., if any such conquest had then occurred. 

The account of the admiral Aahmes is the best 
authority that we have for the beginning of the XVIIIth 
dynasty. We here quote the earlier portion, referring 
to the Hyksos war : 

"The captain-general of marines, Aahmes son of 
Abana, rnakheru. He says, I speak to you, all men, in 
order that I may inform you of the honours which have 
fallen to my lot. I have been presented with gold 
seven times in the face of the whole land, and with 
slaves both male and female ; likewise I have acquired 
much land. The name of one valorous in his acts 
shall not perish for ever in this land. He saith, I came 
into existence in the city of Nekheb (El Kab) ; my 
father was an officer of king Sekenenra, makheru, Baba 
son of Reant was his name. " 

" I performed the duties of an officer in his place on 
board the ship called the * Sacrificial Ox ' in the days of 
king Neb'pehti'ra, makheru (Aahmes). I was too 
young- to have a wife, and I slept in the semi cloth and 


shennu garment (age about 20, 1586 B.C.). But as 
soon as I had a house I was taken to a ship called the 
* North ' on account of my valour. And I followed the 
sovereign on foot when he went out on his chariot. 

" One sat down before the city of Hat'uart (Avaris), 
and I was valorous on foot in presence of his majesty. 
I was promoted to the ship called Kha'em'men'nefer. 
We fought on the water in the Pazedku (canal ?) of 
Hat'uart. Here I captured and carried off a hand, 
mention of which was made to the royal reporter, and 
there was given to me the golden collar of valour. 
There was fighting a second time at this place, and a 
second time I captured and carried off a hand, and 
there was given to me a second time the gold of valour. 
There was fighting at Ta'kemt at the south of this city, 
and I carried away prisoner a live man. I plunged 
into the water, behold he was brought as one captured 
on the road of the town, I crossed over with him 
through the water (i.e. he secured him as certainly as 
if he had been caught on a high-road). Mention of this 
was made to the royal reporter, and I was presented 
with gold once more. 

"We took Hat'uart, and I carried off as captives 
from thence one man and three women, in all four 
heads ; and his majesty gave them to me for slaves. 

" We sat down before Sharhana (Sharuhen in the^ 
southern border of Palestine) in the year 5 (age about* 
24, 1582 B.C.), and his majesty took it. I carried off 
from thence captives two women and one hand ; and 
there was given me the gold of valour. Behold there 
were given me the captives for slaves. 

" But when his majesty had slaughtered the Mentiu 
of Setet, he went south to Khent'hen'nefer, in order to 
destroy the Anu Khenti ; and his majesty made a great 
slaughter of them. I carried away captives two live 
men and three hands ; and I was presented once more 
with the gold, and behold the two slaves were given to 
me. Then came his majesty down the river, his heart 
swelled with valour and victory ; he had conquered the 
people of the South and of the North. 


" Then came Aata to the South, bringing in his fate, 
namely, his destruction, for the gods of the South 
seized upon him. When his majesty found him at 
Tentta-a, his majesty carried him off as a living 
captive, and all his men, with swiftness of capture. 
And I brought off two attendants (?) whom I had 
seized on the ship of Aata ; and there were given to me 
five heads for my share and five sta of land in my own 
city. It was done to all the company of the marines in 
like manner. 

"Then that enemy named Teta*an came; he had 
collected rebels. But his majesty slaughtered him and 
his slaves even to extinction. And there were given 
to me three heads and five sfa of land in my own city.' 1 
He then describes his services in the southern campaigns 
of Amenhotep I. and Tahutmes I., and the Syrian war 
of Tahutmes I. He came to old age in that reign, when 
he would be between sixty-five and ninety years old. 

We see here that Aahmes concluded the Hyksos war 
within five years, and then turned his arms to the 
South. Two separate attempts were made apparently 
by the defeated Hyksos subsequently : Aata arose 
during the absence of Aahmes in his southern cam- 
paign, and overran the land as far as the south 
country ; but he was soon crushed. Again, another 
flicker of the conquered force seems to have arisen 
under Teta'an, which was likewise soon crushed. 

The history of the war of independence then seems to 
have been, that perhaps for twenty or thirty years before 
1600 B.C. the Nubian princes of Thebes had been 
pushing their way northward against the decaying 
power of the Hyksos. Active warfare was going on 
at about 1600 B.C. ; and a sudden outburst of energy, 
under the active young leader Aahmes, concluded the 
expulsion of the foreigners, and the capture of their 
stronghold, within a few years, ending in 1582 B.C. A 
couple of last flickers of the war were crushed during 
the succeeding years, and the rest of his reign Aahmes 
was able to devote to the reorganization of the whole 


One question remains, What effect had the Hyksos 
occupation upon the people? That there were large 
numbers of the race is evident ; only a considerable 
mass of people could have thus held down a whole 
country for some centuries, while yet remaining* so 
distinct that they could be expelled as a separate body. 
The number reported to have left Egypt a quarter of 
a million from a land which very probably only held 
then about two millions, as at the beginning of this 
century, shows how large their numbers were even 
after they had become intermingled with the natives 
during some twenty generations. It was not merely 
the upsetting of a government, as the overthrow of the " 
Turks in Europe would be at present, but it was the 
thrusting out of a large part of the population, pro- 
bably the greater part of the inhabitants of the Delta. 
We cannot doubt, then, that from such a large body of a 
ruling race there must have been a great amount of 
mixture with the earlier occupiers of the land. The 
Semitising of Egypt took place largely then, so far as 
race was concerned ; and bore full effect when the 
fashions, ideas, and manners of Syria were implanted 
after the Asiatic conquests of Tahutmes III. 



ALTHOUGH the succession of the kings of the XVIIIth 
dynasty is well known from the monuments, yet the 
chronology of the period, and the connection of the 
names with those given in the Greek lists, is far from 
settled as yet. As our only hope of obtaining a scheme 
of the lengths of the reigns and of the duration of the 
dynasty depends on an adjustment of the names stated 
by the monuments to those stated by Manetho, the 
treatment of the Greek lists is of much historical 
importance, and deserves full consideration. The 
following are the actual materials that we have to 
study : 






Y. M. 

Aahmes 22 

Am5s 25 


Amerrhotep I. ? 

TethmSsis 25*4 

Tahut'mes I. 9 

Khebron 1 3 

Khebron 1^3 

Tahut-mes II. 9 

AmenOfthis (21) 24 

Amenofis 207 

Hat'shepsut 22? 

Amersis 22 

Amesses 2 1 '9 

Tahut-mes 1 1 1. 54 

MLsafris, Mifris(i2) 13 

Mefres 1 2 '9 

Ameirhotep II. 26 

MisfragTOOuthdsis 26 

Meframouthosis 25*10 

Tahut*mes IV. 7 

TouthmOsis 9 

Thmosis 9-8 

Ameirhotep III. 36 

Amenofis 31 

Amenofis 30*10 

Akhetraten 17 

Oros (36) 37 

Oros 36*5 

Ra'smenkh'ka 3 

Akherres (12)32 

Akenkhrgs 12*1 

Tut -ankh 'amen ? 

Rath5s (AthOris 39) 6 

Rat 5th is 9* 

Ay 4 

Khebres 12 

Akenkheres 1-2*5 







Hor'em'heb 21 

Akherres 1 2 
Armais 5 


XIX Ra'messu I. 2 

Sety I. 9 
Ra'messu 1 1. 67 
Mer*en*ptah 25 

Ramesses i 
Amenofath (40) 19 
Seth5s (51)55 
RampsSs (61) 66 
Ammenefthis(8, 20) 40 




i '4 


In these lists the middle of the dynasty seems well 
identified at Tahutmes IV. and Amenhotep III., and 
our consideration of it falls into two divisions, the 
earlier and the later, which stand quite independent of 
each other. In the first part the lists have been 
adjusted thus by Wiedemann : 





sis Meframouthosis 

But there are several objections to such an arrange- 
ment. Tethmosis cannot well be Aahmes, but is 
rather to be assigned to Tahutmes. There is no reason 
to make a separate king from the earlier years of Amen- 
hotep L ; Tahutmes I. cannot be Amesses, who is 
stated to be the sister of Khebron ; the separate reign 
of Hatshepsut is omitted ; and the reign of Amenhotep 
II. is also omitted. 

In the face of these difficulties, it would seem better 
to suppose that Amenofthis has been accidentally 
shifted in Manetho (perhaps owing to the account of 





Nefertari and 
Amenhotep I. 


Amenhotep I. 


Tahutmes I. 


Tahutmes II. ) 
& Hatshepsut j 


Tahutmes III. 


Amenhotep II. 


the Hyksos war passing from Aahmes to Tahutmes I., 
while the quiet reign of Amenhotep was left till after 
it), and so it appears two places farther down in the 
list than originally stated. We must also recognise 
that Tethmosis in Josephus has been altogether dropped 
out in the later lists of Africanus and Eusebius. In 
this view, a more satisfactory adjustment is reached 
as follows : 


Aahmes Amos Misfragfrnouthosis 

Amenhotep I. (placed below) (placed below) 

Tahutmes I. (omitted) Tethmosis 

Tahutmes II. Khebron Khebron 

(Transposed from above Amenofthis Amenofis) 

Hatshepsut Amersis Amesses 

Tahutmes III. Misafris Mefres 

Amenhotep II. Misfragmouthosis Meframouthosis 

Thus the name Khebron is explained by Akheperenra, 
Tahutmes II.; and Amersis "his sister" is Hatshepsut 
his sister. There is another point also in the last 
identification. Amersis is stated to have reigned 
21 years 9 months ; and though Hatshepsut's length 
of reign is not declared, yet Tahutmes III. begins his 
independent action in his 22nd year, and thus his inde- 
pendence coincides with his sister's death. The 54 
years* reign of Tahutmes III. cannot be identified with 
any of the numbers of the lists ; so, wherever it is 
placed, some corruption must be assumed. But the 
name Mefres is already fixed to Tahutmes III. by Pliny 
in mentioning his obelisk (Hist. Nat. xxxvi. 15, 69). 
And the 26 years of Misfragmouthosis agrees with the 
recent discovery of a wine jar with the date of the 26th 
year of Amenhotep II. The 36 years of Amenhotep 
III. on the monuments doubtless covers also the 
period of some co- regency, while the 30 years 10 
months of Josephus will be the length of his sole 
reign, thus implying a co-regency with his son of 5 

We now pass to the second half of the dynasty. 


Here Oros is doubtless Akherraten, and Armais is 
Horenrheb. We know that Ra'smenklrka'ser'khe- 
peru (erroneously called Ra'saa'ka'khepru) was the 
immediate successor of Akhenaten, as he is named 
" beloved of Akhenaten"; we know that Tufankh* 
amen next succeeded, as his rings are found at Tell 
el Amarna, without any later objects ; and Ay must 
come before Horemheb, who re-used his masonry, 
and cannot come between Tutankhamen and Akhenaten, 
as his name is never found in that group at Tell el 
Amarna. Now, Josephus says that Akenkhres was 
daughter of Oros, while we know that Ra'smenklrka, 
whose throne name was Ankh'khepnrra, married the 
daughter of Akhenaten, and thus succeeded him. The 
relationship and the name, Akherres or Akenkhres, 
agree, therefore, fairly with the monuments. Next, 
Ratothis is said to be the brother of Akenkhres, while 
we know that Tut *ankh 'amen was the brother-in-law 
of the previous queen, having married another daughter 
of Akhenaten ; the name Aten'tut'ankh (altered later 
to Amen 'tut *ankh) may have been rendered by the 
orthodox as Ra'tut'ankh, and so have originated 
Ratothis. Next, the two Akenkheres' reigns of 12 
years and 5 months and 12 years and 3 months are 
probably a reduplication, as only Ay is known to cor- 
respond to them : the names of Ay, Khepenrar'maa'ra 
may have been abbreviated into the Akherres of 
Africanus. The discrepancy of Horemheb's 21 years 
with the 4 or 5 years of Armais may be due to his 
dating from some semi-independent generalship of his, 
while only the last 4 or 5 years of his life were inde- 
pendent after the death of Ay. And this possibility 
is suggested by the length stated for the reign of Oros 
36 years 5 months : it is certain that Akhenaten 
only lived 17 or 1 8 years, but the duration of his Aten 
worship (veiled under the orthodox name of Horus) 
appears to have been about 36 years. If Horemheb 
dated from the restoration of the old worship, in 
which he may have taken a large part, that would 
imply 364-21 = 57 years from Akhenaten to Horemheb 


inclusive, and the reigns in Josephus, with the known 
reign of Akhenaten, amount to 56 years. 

Hence, from these data, the best result, so far as we 
can at present see, appears to be as follows : 


YRS. Mos. 



1 Aahmes 

2 Amcnhotep I. 

3 Tahutmes I. 

4 Tahutmes II. 

5 Hatshepsut 

6 Tahutmes III. 

7 Amenhotep II. 

8 Tahutmes IV. 

9 Amenhotep III. 

10 Akhenaten 

11 Ra'smenkh'ka 

12 Tut'ankh'amen 

13 Ay 

14 Horenvheb 

The absolute dates stated here are based on the 
statement of Mahler (by Sirius and the new moons) of 
the reign of Tahutmes III., from 1503 to 1449 B c *t 
adding and subtracting the reigns on either side. This 
astronomical method was first proposed (though carried 
out imperfectly) by Basil Cooper (Brit. Quart. Rev. 1860). 

Some general checks on this arrangement are given 
by private biographies, which show through which 








1541 . 








Mefres 53-10 -21 '9 

= 32-1 


























Menophres, 1322?) 


reigns extended the life and activities of certain officials. 
The inscription of the commander Aahmes at El Kab 
gives some indications. He was still young and un- 
married when he became commander of a ship, in the 
reign of Aahmes, and he did many great deeds before 
the 6th year of that reign. If we put him at 19 to 25 
years of age in these six years, we cannot be far out. 
Thus he would have been born about 1606 B.C. by the 
dates in the above list. He would then be over 40 
when he convoyed Amenhotep I. on his Nubian wars, 
and was personally fighting. He would be 65 when 
he convoyed Tahutmes I. to Nubia, but nothing is 
then said of his own activity ; a year or two later he 
cut off a chariot in the Syrian war. But he next says 
that he has arrived at old age in that reign, and 
therefore before the reign of Tahutmes II., when he 
would have been 90 years old. For a man of special 
vigour and valour this is not an unlikely life-history. 
About a generation later there is a biography of 
Pennekheb at El Kab. His first prisoner was taken 
under king Aahmes. If he were about 18 at the king's 
death, this would imply that he was born about 1580 
B.C., but certainly not later. He then took prisoners 
under Amenhotep I. when 18 to 39 years old ; other 
prisoners under Tahutmes I. when between 39 and 64 
years old. He brought prisoners, apparently as a cap- 
tain, for Tahutmes II. when he was over 64 ; and died 
under Tahutmes III. at over 77 years old. Here the 
ages are not at all impossible. Yet in both cases they 
seem rather beyond what would be likely for such 
activity ; and hence the suggestion given by the datum 
of Sirius rising on the gth Epiphi, in the 9th year of 
Amenhotep I. (which would point to our having seven 
years too long a reckoning between Amenhotep I. and 
Tahutmes III.), is rather confirmed ; as a reduction of all 
the above elder ages by seven years would be more likely 
than not. In any case, we see that the interval from 
Aahmes to Tahutmes III. could not be longer than we 
have deduced, nor could it be very much shorter by the 
age implied. 


There is, however, another check, which has been 
hitherto scarcely used. The mentions of the Sed 
festival, at the close of each of the 28 or 30 year 
periods, when Sirius rose a week later in the calendar 
(owing to the month-names shifting 1 earlier), show us 
equal intervals which are most important to regulate 
the chronology. And not only can exact statements of 
the date of celebrating a festival be of value ; but even 
general allusions to the festival give some probability 
of such a feast having occurred at the time. 

Our starting-point is from Mahler's determination of 
the date of the festival and of the reign of Tahutmes 
III. from the star - rising combined with the new 
moons. He deduces that the 53 years of Tahutmes 
III. range from 2oth March 1503 B.C. to i4th February 
1449, and that the Sirius festival of rising on the 28th 
of Epiphi was in 1470 B.C. This is strongly confirmed 
by a document not yet utilised. A tablet at El Bersheh 
(now destroyed) was dated in the 33rd year of Tahutmes 
III. the year of the feast, according to Mahler ; and 
more precisely on the 2nd day of Mesore, which is only 
three days after the feast day on the 28th of Epiphi. 
And in this tablet the beginning of a million of Sirius 
cycles is wished for the king. Such an allusion to the 
great feast in that year, which took place only three 
days before this, is a brilliant confirmation of Mahler's 
astronomical reckoning ; for, were that erroneous in 
any point, it would be entirely wrong, and hopelessly 
unlikely to agree with such a record. While a very 
strong reason is thus obtained for crediting the absolute 
dating already stated, yet in the following relation of 
the Sirius cycles to the reigns, the internal chronology 
of the dynasty may be considered and affirmed quite 
irrespective of the absolute dates in years B.C. 

The beginning of the reckoning of the reign of 
Tahutmes III. has been disputed, as we do not know 
certainly whether he was a son of Tahutmes I., or of 
Tahutmes II. As a list in the temple of Semneh is 
dated in his 2nd year, and a papyrus in his 5th 
year, there is a strong presumption that his earliest 


regnal years could not have been contemporary with his 
father's reign. This is also indicated by his sudden 
activity in his 22nd year, after the 21 years 9 months' 
reign of his sister Hatshepsut, according to Josephus. 
These presumptions are firmly established when we 
turn to the Sed festivals. Tahutmes III held his 
festival (as we have just seen above) in his 33rd 
year ; so the earlier one would fall in his 3rd year. 
Now Hatshepsut celebrated her first Sed festival in her 
1 6th year (see her obelisk), which is therefore the same 
as the 3rd year of Tahutmes III. (a difference of 30 
years being quite impossible) ; hence he began to reign 
in her i3th or i4th year. And this exactly agrees with 
the intervention of the 13 years' reign of Khebron, 
Tahutmes II., contemporary with Hatshepsut. Thus 
we see that Hatshepsut dates her years from her 
association with her father at the end of his reign, 
while Tahutmes III. dates his years from the end of his 
father's reign, 13 years later. In considering these 
years, we must always remember that, though the 22 
years' reign of Hatshepsut is reckoned from her brother's 
death, yet that her regnal years were at that point 13 ; 
and that she reigned in all 13 + 22 35 years. The 
dates of the heliacal rising of Sirius are as follow : 

B.C. Shifting Months. 

i, date of papyrus in gth year, Amenhotep I. 
" ' (undated), Tahutmes I. obelisk. 
i6th year, Hatshepsut, obelisk. 
33d year, Tahutmes III., Bersheh. 
fundated), Amenhotep II., pillar, 
(undated), Amenhotep II. 

(undated), Tutankhamen, tomb, 

4ist year, Ramessu II., El Kab. 
2nd year, Merenptah, M. Habu. 

Though the vanity of Ramessu II. led to his transferring 
the astronomical cycle of 30 years to his personal reign, 
and starting a series of Sed festivals on his 3oth year, 

1546 Epiphi 9th, d 

1526 Epiphi 14, fea 





1434 Me 

ore 7, 







1294 Th< 

th 7, 








and even repeating* them every 3 years after that, such 
a perversion does not affect the value of the regular 
cycle for historical purposes. The years of the recur- 
rence of the festival in the reigns of other king's, the 
i8th year of Pepy I., the 2nd year of Mentuhotep II., 
the i6th of Hatshepsut, the 33rd of Tahutmes III., the 
2nd of Merenptah, show absolutely that the cycle was 
not a regnal feast but an astronomical one of regular 
recurrence. And the occurrence of "the feast of 30 
years " in the reign of Tut-ankh-amen, who reig^ned but 
9 years, again shows that this refers to a fixed cycle. 

We see, then, in the above list the dates of the 
festivals of the heliacal rising of Sirius, at intervals of a 
quarter month, later and later, in the calendar. Out of 
eleven, four feasts are dated to the year in historical 
records, three feasts are mentioned in the reigns in 
which they are required to fall (all which reigns are 
under 30 years, and need not therefore have included a 
festival), and of only three feasts have no notice come 
down to us. One of these, falling 1 in Akhenaten's reign, 
is likely to have been omitted ; but we should certainly 
hope some day to find a reference to the festivals of the 
32nd year of Sety I., or the Qth year of Ramessu II. 

The first datum, of the Qth of Epiphi, is the only one 
which seems divergent from the chronology to which 
we are led by Manetho, as the gth year of Amenhotep 
I. appears to be nine years earlier than this, or Sirius 
would have risen about two days earlier in his Qth year. 
If we are to put full weight on this difference, it would 
imply that the reign of Tahutmes I. must have been 
shorter than is stated by Manetho. In another point 
we may see an unexpected agreement. The "era of 
Menophres," mentioned as the starting-point of the 
Sirius cycle in 1322 B.C., has often been speculated on ; 
but the best proposal yet made is that the name is 
Men'peh'ra (Ramessu I.), for no king Men'nefer-ra 
is known in history. Now, as we see, the date of 
Ramessu I. here comes to 1328 to 1326 B.C. This 
difference of four or five years may be due to a little 
error on either side. But, in any case, the general 
n 3 

34 EIGHTEENTH DYNASTY [m. xvm. i, 

agreement of these dates deduced from the festivals 
with those of the lengths of the reigns, gives security 
to the chronology ; it shows that in future we shall 
probably only deal with rectifications of a few years, and 
that no great uncertainty of generations or centuries 
now rests on Egyptian history as far back as the 
XVIIIth dynasty. 

r *> i 

V ^37 ^ ^ J[ 


V ^-^ ^ * j\ _ 


s n ^.\ 


Coffin and mummy, Deir al Bahri, G. Mus. (Ms. M. 533). 

Turrah Inscriptions (L.D. in. 3ab). 

Thebes Brick building- (L.D. iii. 390). 

Semneh, mentioned by Tahutmes II. (L.D. iii. 47 c), 

(Private monuments) 

Abydos, tomb Sa'ast (M. A. ii. 53 c). 

Thebes/many steles now in Turin, etc. 

El Kab, tomb Aahmes (L.D. iii. 12 a-d). 

,, ,, Pen'nekheb (L.D. iii. 43 a-b, 

L.A. xiv. A.B.). 

Vase, alabaster G. Mus. (M.B. 536). 

Hawk, blue glaze G. Mus. (M.D. 52 d). 

Vase, ring form G. Mus. (W.G. 312). "**' 

Amulets and scarabs. 

Coffin G. Mus. (Ms. M. 535). 

Mummy G. Mus. destroyed. 

El Bosra Inscription (L.D. Hi. 3c). 

Karnak Statue (W.G. 316). 

Model adze Turin (Rec. iii. 124). 

Scarabs and cylinders. 
Children (*female) 

*Meryt-amen (Ms. M. 539, 620-2), 

*Sat-amen, infant (Ms. M. 538, 620-2). 

Sa'pa'ir, young- (Ms. M. 621). 

*Aah*hotep, queen (Ms, M. 545, 620-2). 

Amen'hotep I. (Ms. M. 536). 

. *Sat*kames (Ms. M. 541, 620-2). 

B.C. I587-I5&.] AAH-MES 35 

By An'hapi, *Hent'ta'meh Ms. M. 622). 

By Tent'hapi, *Hent*tamehu (Ms. M. 543, 623). 

By Kasmut, *Tair (L.D. iii. 2 a). 

By x, Sa'amen, 5-6 years (Ms. M. 538, Ms. G. 344). 

By x y Turs (L.D. iii, 2 a, d). 

By A;, Aahmes (L.D. iii. 2 a, d). 

The great event of the reign of Aahmes was the war 
by which he established his power at the beginning 1 of 
his reign, that great war of independence which was 
the most glorious page of Egyptian history. We have 
already noticed the course of this in the previous 
chapter. Within four or five years, Aahmes succeeded 
not only in finally throwing off the suzerainty of the 
Hyksos kings, but also in driving them out of the Nile 
valley, in seizing on their great centre of Hauar in the 
eastern Delta (probably Tanis), and in chasing them 
across the desert into Palestine, where, in the fifth 
year, he captured Sharhana, or Sharuhen, upon the 
southern border, some miles south of Lachish. He also 
pushed on into Zahi (Phoenicia), where Pen'nekheb 
states that he took ten hands (L.D. iii. 43 a). Having 
then slaughtered the Mentiu of Setet, or the Bedawin 
of the hill country, he turned back, and found the need 
of his presence on the opposite frontier in the south. 
The southern races appear to have pushed forward in 
the rear of the Egyptians on their advance northward, 
and to have needed repelling, as in the time of 
Usertesen III. Going, therefore, up the Nile, he made 
a great slaughter of the Anu Khenti, and is mentioned 
at Semneh by Tahutmes II. (L.D. iii. 47 c). 

His triumphant return, however, was greeted with 
the news of outbreaks among the remains of the 
Hyksos people. The expulsion of a race as a whole 
cannot be effected after several centuries of occupation ; 
and though the foreign army might be driven out, there 
must have been a large part of the population of mixed 
race, ready to tolerate the Egyptians if they were the 
conquerors, but preferring an independent life. From 
such a source were, doubtless, the two last outbursts of 
the war. Aata seems to have been of a branch of the 

5 6 NEB-PEHTI-RA CDYN. xvm. i. 

Hyksos party who tried to make headway up the 
country in the absence of Aahmes ; and Teta'an after- 
wards was the head of a rising* of the half-breed race, 
who refused to accept as yet the new 
power of the Egyptians. Both were, 
however, defeated summarily ; and after 
that there seems to have been no further 
trouble with the Asiatic people. The 
FIG. ID. Scarab translation of the biography of Aahmes 
of Aahmes. the admiral, which has supplied the 
KP. Coll. foregoing 1 details, has been given in the 

previous chapter. 

After this we do not find any great events in this 
reign. But apparently the organisation of the govern- 
ment, and the repair of the ravages of war, occupied 
the greater part of the time. After the victory in Syria 
in the 5th year, and the southern campaign soon after 
that, there is no mention of any date until the 22nd 
year, when attention was turned to the rebuilding of 
the principal temples in the capitals. That the most 
important religious centres should have remained so 
long without restoration, shows how much was needful 
of the more essential material growth of the country, 
before the objects of luxury and ambition could be 
developed. It needed a new generation to arise, before 
the desolation of the oppression and the war could be 
recovered. ..^ 

The buildings at Memphis and Thebes have long ago 
been swallowed up by later alterations and destruc- 
tions, but the record of them is preserved in the 
quarries of Turrah, near Cairo, where a royal seal- 
bearer and companion, Neferpert, carved two tablets 
dated in the 22nd year, recording the opening of 
the quarries for building -stone for the temples of 
Ptah at Memphis and of Amen at Thebes (L.D. iii, 
3 a, b). Special interest attaches to these tablets, as 
on one of them it is stated that the men employed were 
of the Fenkhu, a Syrian people who have been generally 
identified with Phoenicians, though jMuller, with his 
characteristic negation, will not allow this to be so. 

8.0.1587-1562.] AAH'MES 37 

Also, below the tablet is a drawing" of six oxen attached 
to a sledge on which is placed a large block of stone ; 
they are attended by three foreigners with short beards. 
Similar sledges were used in the Xllth dynasty, as 
pieces of these were found broken up among the filling 
of the Illahun pyramid. 

The coffin and body of Aahmes were found at Deir el 
Bahri. The coffin is of a new style, different from that 
which had prevailed from the Xlth to the XVIIth 
dynasty. It is still plain in outline, but is less massive, 
more shaped to the figure behind, and painted yellow 
picked out with blue, instead of being gilt all over. The 
body of the king is fairly preserved, the head long and 

FIG. ii. Oxen drawing sledg. Turrah. 

small, the muscles strong and vigorous. He appears 
to have been somewhat over fifty at his death. The 
hair is thick and wavy, showing like Seqenenra that 
shaving the head was not then the fashion. May it 
be that the influence of the dominion of long-haired 
foreigners had not yet died out? It is not till the 
XlXth dynasty that a shaven head appears, that of 
Sety I. The body has not yet been scientifically 

The veneration for Aahmes, and still more for his 
sister and wife Nefertari, was long continued, and is 
more frequent than that for any other ruler. Setting 
aside the examples which cannot at present be dated, 
the following are the instances of this worship : 


[DYN. xvixf. t. 

A.=Aahmes, N, = Nefertari, Am.=:Amenhotep I.) 

Abydos . . 

Anay adoring Osiris and 

N ... 

M A. 1080 

Karnak . . 

Nebsu adoring Sitamen, 


N., Am., Sapair . 

M.D. 89. 


Thebes . . 

Hymn of praise to N. and 

Pap. Tur. 27, 



Thebes . . 

Panekht. Tomb 50 . 

C.N. i. 542. 

Tahut. I. . 

Edfu . . 

luf adoring Am. and Aah' 

hotep .... 

Rec. ix. 93. 

Tahut. II. . 

Thebes . , 

. . . adoration to Am., N., 

Tahutmes I. and II., 

Sapair .... 

Rec. iii. 113. 

Tahut. III. . 

Thebes . . 

Senmen, priest of A., etc. . 

L. D. iii. 25 

bis g. 

Tahut. IV. . 

(P. Mus.) . 

Pa'aa'aqa mentions the 

god A 

P.R. ii. 14. 

Amenp. III. 

(B. Mus.) . 

Hor : pray suten'du'hotep 

T.S.B.A. viii. 

to Hor, Anpu, and N. . 


T stf> 

Thebes . . 

Unnef offering to Am. and 



N. Tomb 40 

C.N. i. 534. 

W V ill. 

(B. Mus.) r 

. . . adoration to Am., N., 

and Sat'kames 

A.B. 30. 

Sety I. . . 

Thebes . . 

. . . offering to Am. and N. 

Tomb 32 

C.N. i. 520-5. 

,, . 

Qurneh . . 

Sety offering to sacred 

bark of N. 

C.N. ii. 52. 


(T. Mus.) . 

Sety offering to Am. and 



Rec. iii. 113. 

Rams. II. , 

Karnak . . 

Ramessu adoring N. S. 

wall, great temple . 

L.D. iii. 147 a. 


Statues carried of A. and 

Am. by priests 

C.M. 149. 

j> < 

Qurneh . . 

Ramessu offering to N. 

Room Q . 

L.D. iii. 151 c. 



Ramessu offeringtoAmen., 

N., and Am. . 

C.M. 150, 3. 

M . 

Ramessu dancing before 

Amen and N. 

C.M. 150, 2. 


Sacred bark of N. borne 

by 1 2 priests . 

C.M. 150 bis. 


Deir el . . < 
Mcdineh . . < 

\ Kasa adoring Am.. and N. i 
[ Qen adoring Am., N., and j 
> sister Merytamen . . < 

! S.B.A. 
| viii. 226, 

c. 1587-1562.] 
lams. II. . 



Qurneh . . 

Qen, servant of 

Am, On disc 

Huy, priest of of 
Am. stone, 

Rec. iii. 103 

Nebra, kherheb G. Mus. 


of Am. 

Am., Aah* 

(T. Mus.) . 

offetingt 6 " SaUmcn," 

L.A. xi. 



Thebes . . 

Amenemapt adoring N. 

and Am. 

C.M. 153. 

Thebes . . 

Neferhotep offering to Am. 

and N. Tomb 53 . 

C.N. 549. 

Thebes . . 

Penbui offering to Am., 

N. x, Ramessu I., Hor- 

L.D. iii 171 


Nebnefer adoring N. (older 

stele usurped) 

Rec. ii. 181, 

Thebes . . 

Anhurkhaui adoring A., 

N., Am., etc., etc. 

L.D. iii. 2d 

paintings of 

N. and Am. . 

L.D. iii. i. 

Thebes . . 

Khabekht adoring A., N., 

Am., etc., etc. 

L.D. iii. 2 a 

Karnak . . 

Herhor adoring Amen, 

Mut, Khonsu, and N. . 

L.D. iii. 246 

,, . 

Graffito on temple of 

Amenhotep II. 

W.G. 315. 

? . 
? . 

Rams. III. 
Rams. IV. 

Rams. IV. 
Herhor . 
XXI dyn. 

There are, besides these, many examples of adoration 
not dated, such as Unnefer (T. Mus. 1448), Thentnub 
(T. Mus. 1565), Pa-nefu*errrdu*amen (T. Mus. 2430 
and Rec. iii. no), Pa'neshi (T. Mus. 3053); the sedem 
asht officials Uazmes (T. Mus. 1369), Hotepbuaa (T. 
Mus. 1449), Pen'ta'en'abtu (T. Mus. 3032), Penbua 
(Rec. ii. 119), and lairnuf (Rec. ii. 171). Also Tyuti 
(Rec. iii. 109), Nebmes (Rec. xiii. 119), Mesamen 
(W.G.S. 35), Ra (M.A. 1097), Zamerkau (Rec. ix. 39), 
Aa (Rec. iii. 113), ....unba (Pr. M. 25, i), Nekht (CM. 
162, 2), Ast (C.N. ii. 698), Dudua (Lieb. 553), etc. 

From these it is seen that Nefertari was adored as a 
divinity on the same footing as the great gods of Thebes. 
She had a priesthood, and a large sacred shrine on a 

40 AAH'MES [DYN. XVIH. t. 

bark borne in processions ; and suten'du'hotep formulae 
were recited to her. Of small remains of this reign 
there are not many. An alabaster vase (G. Mus. ; M.B, 
536) bears the name and the Hor nub title, thes taui. 
A hawk in blue glazed ware bears the royal names 
on the crown, and on the under side of the base are 
three bound captives, negro, Libyan, and Syrian. A 
ring-shaped vase is said to be in the Ghizeh Museum 
(W.G. 312). Scarabs and amulets of this king are 
common ; but are of no interest in the types, excepting 
a plaque of green felspar with names of Aahmes on one 
side and Amenhotep on the other, probably made in the 
latter reign for some official who served under both 
kings. (Abydos, M.A. 1421.) 

was the sister and wife of Aahmes ; 
through her descended all the rights 
of the royal line, and she was adored for many centuries 
as the great ancestress and foundress. We have 
already noticed her worship with that of her husband 
and son. She is styled on contemporary monuments as 
the " royal daughter, royal sister, great royal wife, 
royal mother, great ruler (athy)^ mistress of both 
lands" (L.D. iii. 3 a, b). 

Her coffin was found at Deir el Bahri. It is made of 
layers of linen glued together and covered with stucco. 
Such a material would not well bear to be formed in long 
flat masses, and the division of the coffin is therefore 
around the middle, and not from head to foot. It is 10 
feet 4 inches high ; painted yellow picked out with 
blue, like the coffin of Aahmes. The arms are repre- 
sented as crossed on the breast, holding an ankh in 
either hand. The body is covered with an hexagonal 
network in relief, and the wig with a chevron net. 
Within this great coffin were two mummies, one of 
Ramessu III. ; the other was unnamed j and probably of 
this queen. Unhappily it was left without examination 
for over four years, amid the damp of the Nile shores ; 

B.C. 1587-1562.] 


it was then found to be decomposing 1 , and was "pro- 
visionally interred," without any scientific study of its 
characteristics. The racial details would have been of 
the highest interest, in 
comparison with the rest 
of the family. Thus dis- 
appeared the most vener- 
ated "figure of Egyptian 

A seated statue of the 
queen now headless 
lies at Karnak, in the 
first court, behind the 
obelisks (W. 0.316); and 
several smaller statuettes 
are known, one of stone 
(T. Mus.) and four of 
wood (T. Mus. Berl. Stutt- 
gart). A small model 
adze, nen> of wood bears 
her name (T. Mus. ; Rec. 
iii. 124). Many scarabs 
of hers are known, but 
^none are of importance. 
A piece of open work in 
wood shows Nefertari 
and Amenhotep seated 
(T. Mus.). 

The family of Aahmes 
was numerous, and needs 
some notice. His wife 
and also his children 
frequently adopted the 
name Aahmes within their 
cartouches ; and all his 

children, except Sapair, _ **.**<*. f 

have their names in car- Fia x *- Coffl & hmes Nefertan - 
touches. There was thus 

an irregularity in the usage which is not found at any 
other period. 



The principal authority that we have for the family is 
through the subsequent worship of them. The two 

tombs which we have named 
before, Anhurkhaui (L.D. 
iii. 2 d) and Khabekht 
(L.D. iii. 2 a) agree in 
naming the following per- 
sons, after the ascending 
line of Amenhotep, his 
father or mother, and his 
grandmother ; they are, 
therefore, according to all 
analogy, his brothers and 
sisters, namely, *Meryt" 
amen (*Tair, mother 
*Kasmut), *Sat*amen, 
Sa'amen, *Sat'kames, 
*Henfta-meh, *Turs, 
*Aahmes, Sa'pa'ir (females 
marked *). Those in loops 
here occur only in the 
second of these tombs ; and 
from Tair being a royal 
sister and Kasmut a divine 
mother, it appears as if 

FIG. 13.- Statuette of Nefertari. 

Tair was an early child of 
Aahmes, and therefore irri-*" 
portant, but by a wife 

Kasmut who was not in the royal line of descent. The 
other children were mostly found at Deir el Bahri. 

Meryt/amen A mummy falsely labelled as hers p. 539 

Sat'amen Coffin and mummy (false) Died an infant 538 

Sa'amen Coffin and mummy Died an infant 538 

Ametrhotep Coffin and mummy 537 

Aah'hotep Coffin (no mummy) 545 

Sat'kames Mummy only Died about 30 541 

Also Hent'tamehu, coffin and mummy, dau. of Thenthapi 543 
Mes'henfthemhu, coffin and mummy (false) 544 



The pages refer to the account of the remains in 
Ms. M. How many of these were born of Nefertari is 
not certain. But it seem probable that the order was 

Died young- 
Died infant 
Died young 1 , heir 
Died infant 

FIG. 14. Plaque 
of Merytamen. 
F.P. Coll. 

Meryt'amen Eldest dau. of Nefertari 

Sat'amen Second dau. of Nefertari 

Sa'pa'ir Eldest son of Nefertari 

Sa'amen Second son of Nefertari 

Aah'hotep Third dau. of Nefertari Queen 

Amenhotep Third son of Nefertari King 

Sat'kames Fourth dau. of Nefertari Died about 30 

The special worship of these first four children, al- 
though three of them certainly died young, 
points to their having been elder than the 
reigning survivors ; only such a preced- 
ence would be likely to ensure the con- 
tinued adoration of mere infants. Also, 
either Amenhotep I. or Tahutmes I. must 
have been born rather late in the family, 
in order to fill out the length of the 
reigns. This mortality of these children 
would therefore account for the time 

Of the other children, Hent'tamehu was born of the 
royal daughter Thenthapi, as inscribed on her bandages 
(Ms. M. 544). She lived till the next 
reign, as she is called royal sister on 
her coffin, and on a contemporary 
slab of sculpture (Fig. 15) (F.P. Coll.). 
Hent'ta*meh was born of the queen 
Anhapi (C.N. 513 ; L.D. iii. 8 a). 

Tair was born of Kasmut, probably 
(L.D. iii. 2 a). There has been a 
question as to the prince Sa'pa'ir, 
whose name often occurs, and who 
seems to have died young ; from his 
prominence he was probably the 
heir, but it was debated whether 
he can be the same as the king 
(Ahmes'sa'pa'ir), whose tomb was examined by the 
Ramesside inspectors and found intact. Noting how 

FIG. 15. Inscription 
of the Princess 
Qurneh, F.P. ColL 



[DYN. xvm. x.J 

loosely cartouches were employed at this time, and how 
most of the family of Aahmes have his name included 
with theirs, it seems probable that these two names 
belonged to one person ; and the matter is settled by a 
part of a stele erected by him, on which he is called 
"the king's son Aahmes who is named Sa'pa'ir" 
(P.P. Coll.). The difficulty that he is called king in 
the Ramesside papyrus is perhaps most likely disposed 
of by the possibility of the scribe having dropped 
out sa from the title sa mien, or king's son. No 

other king in that document 
is mentioned without the 
double cartouche, except 
Antef IV., who may not 
have had a second name ; 
and therefore, as this car- 
touche is single, it is the 
more likely to belong to a 
king's son. A limestone 
stamp for (Sa*ra*sa*amen) 
found at Thebes is exactly 
like another for (Seqenenra) . 
But as no earlier Sa'amen is 
known, it seems not unlikely 
that these stamps might 

F by 'STki^-f ^^^Thta both have been mad . e at th 

name is Sa -pa -ir," with figure of same time for sealing en- 

F P P CoT aS a b y ' QUrneh> dowment property of the 

tombs. The title Sa'ra 

might be given perhaps to the king's son during his 
minority, as he was of the divine descent (M.D. 52 b). 
A scarab (B. Mus.) may belong to this prince (P. Sc. 

8 53)- . 

A limestone base of a head- rest (?) is inscribed, 

u Made by the hon kay of (Mert'amen) Amenhotep. 
Hathor over Thebes" (P.P. Coll.) ; and a bar of wood 
bears the name of the * ' royal sister (Aahmes, Amen'mer ") 
(F. Mus.; S. Cat, F. 1564). Two scarabs are known 
(B. Mus. ; G. Coll. ; P. Sc. 854-5). Also a cone of Mahu, 
chief priest of Meryt'amen (M.A.F. viii. 279, 72). 

CB.C. 1562-1541-] 





FIG. 17. Cartouches from 
carved wood. F. P. Coll. 

Coffin and mummy, Deir cl Bahri 
Inspection of tomb, Abbott Pap. 

(Ms. M. 536). 
(Ms. E. 223-4). 


Deir el Bahri 
Medinet Habu 

Shut er Regal 

Kom Ombo 
I brim 

Granite jamb (L.D. iii.4a). 

Seated statue, limestone (M.K. 380). 

Named by Taharka (M.K. 42)]. 


Sketch on limestone, G. Mus. (V.G. 537). 

Sketch on limestone, T.Mus.(Rec. iii. 124). 

Statue, Turin Mus. 

Bricks (L.D. iii. 6b). 

Statue, limestone, G. Mus. (V.G. 698). 

( Inscription (P.S. 480). 

) Inscription of Penaati (P.S. 476). 
Tablet of Paynamen ( L. D. iii. 200 b). 

Door jamb (A.Z. xxi. 78). 

King under canopy, stele (R.S. xxviii. i). 
Wooden tablets (T. Mus. ) 

Statuette T. Mus. 

Part of stele with head G. Mus. (V.G. 693) 

Naos fragment 

Black granite altar 



Brick stamp 

Wooden tablets 

G. Mus. 

Berlin (2292) 

Berlin (1637 b) 


B. Mus. (5993) 


(L.T. 1372). 

kW.G. 321). 
(B.P. 12). 

Cylinders, plaques, and scarabs. 

Private monuments, contemporary? 

Aahmes Tomb, El Kab (L.D. iii. 12 ; R.P. vi. 5). 

Pen-nekheb Tomb, El Kab (L.A. xiv. A.B.; R.P. iv. 5), 

Amenemheb Keeper of palace (Lb. P. 3). 

Amenemhat Tomb, Qurneh 

Hery Tomb,DrahNeg. (C.M. 51 j.). 

Tahutmes Palette (Sabatier, Rec. xiv. 56). 

46 ZESERKARA CDYN. xvm. 2. 

Sen'em'aah Stele (G. Mus.; M.A. 1047), 

Ha-nefer Stele (P. Mus. C. 47; P.R. ii. 48). 

x, Am. I. and Nefertari offering (L.D. iii. 4 e). 

Kars, stele, loth year An). I. (Rec. ix. 94). 


Pen'amen, kher'heb of Am. I. P. Mus. 

(P.R. ii. 64). 

#, adoration of A 

m. I. F. Mus. 

(S. Cat. F. 1563). 

Pentaurt statue, with ram's head. Vienna 

Rec. ix. 50). 

.r, stele, figures of Am. I. and Nefertari. B. 


H.B. ix. i). 

Pa 'amen, part statue. F. Mus. 

S. Cat. F. 1723). 

Nekht adoring Am. I. and Sapair 

R.S. xxix. 3). 

Coffin, with Am. 

I. as sphinx. Mealeli 

(Rec. ix. 82). 

Am. I. and Tahut. I. adoring gods. B. Mus. (H.B. i). 

Kaha offering to 

Am. I., time of Rams. 11 

(H.B. v. i). 

x adoring Am. I. 

and Rams. II. Pisa 

(Rec. i. 136; iii. 


Amenhotep, priest of Am. I. Book of Dead (Deveria Cat. 56). 

Amen'mes, ,, 

,, Tomb. Thebes (R.S. iii. 181). 

Pa 'shed 

Altar. B. 

Mus. (Lb. D. 566). 


Stele. B. 

Mus. (Rec. ii. 186). 


Statuette Leyden 

(Rec. iii. 104). 


Statuette Berlin 

(W.G. 321). 


Tomb, Ram. IV. Thebes 

(L.D. iii. 2 d). 


Tomb Thebes 

(L.D. iii. 2 a). 

Ta'nezemt adoring Am. I. Papyrus, XX. dyn. 

Turin (L.T. 1784). 
Ankh'f'en'amen, coffin, Isis, Am. I. and Nebhat 

Helsingfors (Lb. P. 71). 

(Besides those in list of adorers in previous reign, see p. 38.) 

Queens AAH'HOTEP II. Coffin, Deir el Bahri. 
~ SEN'SENB Ostrakon (A.S. xxix. 117). * 

Temple of Deir el Bahri. 

Children (by Aah'hotep) 

Amen'mes Tomb of Paheri (N.A.P.X.). 

Uaz-mes Tomb of Paheri (N.A.P.X.). 

Aah'mes, afterwards queen. 
Nebt'ta Scarab (F.P. Coll.; L.K. 

Mufnefert Statue at Karnak (M.K. 38 b 4). 

(by Sen'senb) 

Tahutmes I. Ostrakon (A.Z. xxix. 117). 

Temple of Deir el Bahri. 

For the events of this reign we are "dependent on the 
biography of the admiral Aahmes at El Kab, which 

B.C. 1568^x541.] 



we have before quoted in the previous reign of king* 
Aahmes, and the repulsion of the Hyksos. At the 
beginning of this reign Aahmes was about 44 years 
old ; and he relates : "It was my lot to convey king 
Zaserkara, makheru^ on his journey up to Kush for 
the purpose of extending the frontiers of Egypt. His 
majesty smote that An Khent in the midst of his 
troops ; brought bound, not one was lost, journeying 
and leaning over (wearied) as those who exist not. 

"Behold I was at the head of our soldiers, and I 
fought in very truth. His majesty was witness of my 
valour as I carried off 
two hands and brought 
them to his majesty. 
We pursued his people 
and his cattle. I took 
a living prisoner and 
brought him to his 
majesty. In two days 
I brought his majesty 
back to Egypt from the 
upper well. And I was 
presented with the 
gold, and two female 
slaves, and . . . beside 
those which I had 
brought to his majesty, 
and I was raised to the 
dignity of " Warrior of 
the king." The sub- 
sequent part refers to the next reign. 

Another important account is that of Pen'nekheb at 
El Kab, who also lived through the earlier part of this 
dynasty. Of this reign he says : " I followed the king 
Zaserkara, makheru. I took for him in Kush one 
prisoner alive " (L. A. xiv. A. B.). And again he states 
that on the north of the Amukehak he took three 
hands (L.D. iii, 43 a). 

From these accounts we see that one Nubian cam- 
paign was a brief one, a mere raid to sweep the country 

FIG. 18. Head of Araenhotep I. 

48 ZESERKARA [DYN. xvm. 2. 

and crush any opposition ; and there is no evidence of 
any subsequent war there. The capture of the fighting 
men, and driving of them down into Egypt as slaves, 
bound and exhausted, almost dead with fatigue in the 
forced march, is put in a few words. But another 
important war was that against the Amukehak, who 
appear to have been a Libyan race, part of the 
Tahenu or "fair people." There had long been 
occasional war on this side of the land. Herkhuf had 
joined in plundering the Temehu of the oases, in the 
Vlth dynasty. The western people had occupied Upper 
Egypt in the Vllth-IXth dynasties. Usertesen I. had 
attacked the oases or the Natron lakes in the expedition 
mentioned by Sanehat. But the rising power of the 
XVIIIth dynasty was quite able to overcome any 
opposition in that quarter ; and Amenhotep rested 
secure in his triumph on the south and west, and in his 
father's triumph on the north. 

The tomb of Amenhotep was visited by the Ramesside 
inspectors, who give a longer account of it than of 
the others. Its place is at present quite unknown. 
They state : " The eternal setting (horizon) of the king 
(Zesarkara), son of the sun (Amenhotep), which has 
1 20 cubits of depth in its great hall, as well as the long^ 
passage which is on the north of the temple of Amen- 
hotep of the garden (on which the chief Pa'sar of the 
town made his report to the monarch Khamuas, to the 
royal officer Nessu'amen, to the scribes of Pharaoh, to 
the keeper of the house of the divine adoress of Amenra 
king of the gods (i.e. the queen), to the royal officer 
Ra'nefer'ka'envpa'amen, to the herald of Pharaoh, to 
the supreme magistrates, saying, * The robbers have 
robbed it ' ) ; examined this day, it was found intact 
by the masons " (Ms. E. 223-4). We may notice that 
this tomb was peculiar among those examined for the 
great depth of the excavation into the rock, over 200 
feet long. No other tombs on this outer face of the 
cliffs approached this extent, the long tombs being all 

B.C. 1562-1541.} 



on the other face of the cliff 
in the valley of the Biban el 
Meluk. This was, in fact, 
the first of the class of long" 
sepulchres which prevailed 
in the XVIIIth-XXth dynas- 
ties. The exact position of 
it is yet unknown, but the 
temple of Amenhotep has 
been found (in 1896) on the 
edge of the desert by Drah 
abul Negga. 

The coffin and mummy of 
the king were in the great 
find at Deir el Bahri. The 
coffin is as simple in form 
as those of the Xlth and 
XVI Ith dynasties; but is 
much poorer, being only 
painted and not gilt. It is 
remarkable that none of the 
coffins of this or later dynas- 
ties approach the magnifi- 
cence of those which went 
before ; the despised Antefs 
and the obscure Seqenenra 
and Aah'hotep lay in far 
grander state than any of 
their successors. Apparently 
the attention arid care were 
directed from the casing of 
the body to providing the 
enormous halls and corridors 
cut in the rock, which then 
came into fashion. The 
coffin of Amenhotep shows 
the rise of the bands of 
hieroglyphics across it, which 

were simulated from the 

bandages of the mummy Fia i^-^offin o^fAmenhotep i. 


within, and which bore inscriptions adoring" the fo 
genii of the internal organs. On the mummy is a mai 
of wood and cartonnage, like that of the coffin outsid 
D The body is surrounded by wreaths, and has not y 
* ^n examined (Ms. M. 536). 

adorning tff bu i^ at Karnak ; probably adding to ai 
granite jamljP old temple of the Xllth dynasty, 
hard stone./ remaining shows that he worked 
these (M.$ f He a ^ so placed statues there: one 
rearranged^* 3^c and text) was later removed ai 
tion in hi^ ky Tahutmes III., who added an ihscri 
and the h(* s 22nd year ; this is of silicious Hmestor 
middle c jfea( ^ is somewhat injured ; it is placed at t 
I (No/*f the west wing of the pylon of Tahutm 
from Tfi lx - Baedeker). Another statue, perha 
arnak, is at the Luxor Hotel, but is mu< 
(W.G. 320). A very fine statue was foui 
/edinet Habu (G.Mus. V.G. 698) with a figu 
efertari on the back-pillar, and the name of Se 
5ded. A limestone statuette of delicate work 
Ibtless from Thebes (T. Mus.; L.T. 1372). T\ 
fetches on flakes of limestone (also from Thebes 
re, one in Turin (Rec. iii. 124) and one at Ghiz 

.G. 537)- 

Amenhotep also built on the western side of t 
river ; we have already seen the mention of his temp 
in the Abbott papyrus, and Lepsius brought a brick 
his from Deir el Bahri (L.D. iii. 6 b). 

Above Thebes the royal architect Penaati records h 
office under Amenhotep I., and three following king 
on the rocks at Shut er Regal (P.S. 357, 476). Anoth 
graffito, near that, names Amenhotep as " beloved 
Horus, lord of Mehit " ; that is, the capital of tl 
Oryx nome. And at Silsileh Paynamen carved a figu 
and inscription of the king. This activity in the san 
stone region accords with the adoption of this sto 
for building material in the XVIIIth dynasty, in pla 
of the limestone which had been mainly in use befoi 

B.c.is6a-is4.) AMENHOTEP I 51 

At Kom Ombo a door jamb bears the names of this 
king (A.Z. xxi. 78). 

In Nubia a large scene at Ibrim shows the king 
seated under a canopy, attended by two fly-flappers 
and a fan-bearer ; behind the scene is the goddess Sati, 
standing as protecting him (R.S. xxviii. i). And at 
Meroe were found small wooden tablets engraved with 
figures (T. Mus.; see below). 

Of monuments from unknown sites are, a good 
head and cartouches (from part of a private stele of 
Pa*fu'n*amen) in the Ghizeh Museum (V.G. 693) ; the 
fragment of a naos (G. Mus.; W.G. 321); a black 
granite altar at Berlin (2292) ; 
two vases, one in Berlin, with 
mark of contents of n hins, 
holding 317 cub. ins., or 28^8 for 
the hin (W.G. 321); the other 
vase in P. Mus. ; and a brick 
stamp (B. Mus., B.P. 12). The 
small wooden tablets with carved 
faces, incised and filled in with 
blue, are found in several 
museums ; they evidently come 
from one hand, but may have F !- ao.-Wooden tablet, 
, ,. 1 for , Amenhotep I. Brit. Mus. 

been discovered in different sites. * 

The subjects are the king riding in a two-horse chariot 
(B. Mus., A.B. 30), the king smiting down enemies 
(five in P. Mus., from Salt Coll., R.S. iii. i. 107 ; Tav. 
ii.), and one in Turin, said to be from Meroe, with two 
cartouches placed on the sam and lotus. 

Scarabs are very common in this reign, many of 
peculiarly rough work ; there are also some square 
plaques, and two cylinders. One cylinder has figures 
of the king standing (P.P. Coll.); a scarab (P. Mus.) 
has the king spearing an enemy, accompanied by a 
hunting leopard. A carnelian stone (G. Mus.) shows 
an entirely new system of patterning, by altering the 
texture of it to opaque white ; the subject is the same 
as the last, but around it are circles of small dots, with 
a larger one in the midst of each circle : as such a 


[DVN. xviii. 2. 

pattern is distinctively foreign (Mediterranean), it points 
to this process belonging to foreign work. The private 
remains bearing the name of the king are none of 
particular value historically, and are sufficiently in- 
dicated in the list at the head of this reign. 

FIG. 21. Scarab 
of Aalrhotep. 
F.P. Coll. 

AAH'HOTEP II. The coffin of this queen, who trans- 
mitted the line of royal descent, was found at Deir el 
Bahri. It is like that of her mother 
Nefertari, already described p. 40 ; and 
its internal size effectually proves that it 
belongs to a different queen from that 
of the coffin in which the jewellery was 
found (Ms. M. 545). Scarabs of the 
queen are known (Louvre; F.P. Coll.), 
and also a glazed stone menat(F.P. Coll.). 
We now reach another of the tangled questions of 
the family history. Amen'mes has been regarded as a 
son of Tahutmes I., and with him goes also Uazmes, 
his brother, as stated in the tomb 
of Paheri. The best ground for 
this view is the inscription of the 
4th year of Tahutmes I. by the 
" king's great son, commander of 
the troops of his father." This is 
prima facie ground for ascribing 
Amenmes as son of Tahutmes I.; 
but the inscription only states that 
he commanded his father's troops, 
and not who his father was. On 
considering the ages, difficulties 
at once appear. For, at the first 
glance, Tahutmes II. was about 
30 at his death (Ms. M. 547), 
reigned 13 years, and therefore succeeded at 17, and 
was born in the 8th year of the reign of Tahutmes I. 
Is it likely that Tahutmes I. would have a son old 
enough to be commander-in-chief in the 4th year of 
his reign, and yet be succeeded by a son born in the 

B.C 1563-1541.] AAH-HOTEP 53 

8th year of his reign ? His successor would then be at 
least twenty to thirty years younger than his eldest son. 
When we look in more detail into the ages which are 
indicated, we find greater difficulties. For Tahutmes I. 
to have a son commander in the 4th year of his reign 
would necessitate a series of extreme suppositions, 
that Amenhotep I. and Tahutmes I. each had their 
successors born when only 18 (leaving no room for 
earlier daughters or children who died), and that 
Amenmes was commander-in-chief at 18. Nor can 
these reigns be much lengthened, even if we threw 
over all Manetho's statements of reigns, as we are tied 
by the old ages of Aahmes the admiral, over 90 when 
his tomb was inscribed under Tahutmes II., and 
Pen'nekheb, over 77 at the carving of his tomb under 
Tahutmes III. As Hatshepsut was the 
eldest daughter, it would imply that she 
was about eighteen or twenty years 
older than her husband Tahutmes II., 
and was not married, therefore, till she 
was about 35 or more. All of this is 
unlikely. And all the difficulty is avoided FIG. 23. Scarab 
if Amenmes was commander of the ]p/ciL mcs ' 
troops of his father Amenhotep, while 
dating his monument after his father's death in his 
brother's reign. 

To render the relative ages clearer, we will here 
arrange the succession according to the indications 
that we have, resuming it from the table given before 
on p. 3, and premising, as before, that the use of this 
method is to show if any incongruity arises among the 
data, and not to assert the exactitude of every detail, 
since many points depend on the more or less vague 
elements of age. 





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B.C. I5 62-i54i.] ROYAL FAMILY 55 

The data of this arrangement, outside of the 
chronology and lengths of reigns, as already stated, 
are as follows : 

Amenhotep I. presumably married Aah'hotep when 
about 20, and Tahutmes I., son of queen Sen'senb, is 
not likely to have been much younger than his wife 
Aahmes, daughter of Aah'hotep. 

Tahutmes I. presumably married Aahmes in 1544, 
at about 20. Neferkhebt was the elder daughter 
apparently, and Hatshepsut was probably therefore 
born about 1 540 or later. 

Tahutmes II. died at about 30 in 1503, and was 
therefore born about 1533, or seven years after Hat- 
shepsut, and married, say at 17. Hatshepsut, therefore, 
would not have married before 24 ; Neferu'ra was her 
elder daughter, as she is called the " mistress of both 
lands," or heiress ; and she died at the beginning of 
the reign of Tahutmes III., as Pen'nekheb in extreme 
old age in that reign had brought up the deceased 
Neferu'ra. He was born about 1580 (by his services), 
and would therefore be 66 at the death of Neferu'ra. 
Merytra would therefore be born about 1512, after her 
sister, as Neferu'ra was the elder. Nefenrra was not 
married, and therefore died before the adolescence of 
Tahutmes III. (L.D. iii. 20 c). 

Tahutmes III. was probably the son of Tahutmes II., 
as we shall see farther on. It seems most likely that 
he was born about the same time as his wife Merytra ; 
and he is therefore entered here at the same date. 

Amenhotep II. was son of Tahutmes III., as 
recorded on the latter's bandages (Ms. M. 548). He 
was also son of Merytra, as she was royal mother, and 
accompanies him on the monuments. From the fact 
that no wife of his is shown on monuments (which are 
all of the earlier years of his reign), whereas his mother 
appears, it seems plain that he came to the throne 
quite young. He must then have been born when his 
father and mother were advanced in life. If we place 
his birth at about 1469, and suppose that he succeeded 
at 20 years old, we cannot be far out. 

AMENHOTEP I [DYN. xvm. a. 

We now reach a very tight place in the chronology. 
That Tahutmes IIL, Amenhotep II., Tahutmes IV., 
and Amenhotep III. succeeded as four generations, 
father and son, cannot be well doubted. The first 
link is fixed by the mummy bandages (Ms. M. 548) ; 
the other three by the tomb of Horenvheb, where they 
are definitely stated to be each sons of the previous 
one (M.A.F. v. 434, pi. v.). Yet Amenhotep II. was 
unmarried on his accession ; and his marriage, the 
birth of Tahutmes IV., his growth and marriage, the 
birth of Amenhotep III., and his growth up to ac- 
cession, all have to come in the two reigns of 25 years 
10 months + 9 years 8 months, or 35^ years in all. 
That Amenhotep III. was no infant when he succeeded, 
is proved by his slaying 102 lions between the ist 
and roth year of his reign ; hence we cannot place his 
age at accession below about 15, even supposing that 
he began lion-hunting so early. This takes 15 off 35^, 
leaving 19 years ; 2 must be deducted to the birth of 
Tahutmes IV. after the unmarried accession of Amen- 
hotep II. ; and thus Amenhotep III. must have been 
born when Tahutmes IV. was but 17. 

It is quite clear, therefore, that it is wholly impossible 
to shorten these reigns below the figures of Manetho, 
as has been proposed owing to the absence of monu- 
ments ; and the principal amount, 26 years, is lately 
verified by a date on a wine jar. In fact, a few 
years more would render this history more credible. 
Still it is not impossible, and unless some new details 
appear, we must accept this, and observe that it 
cannot be modified scarcely one year either way. 
The only points that could give way to release the 
close fit would be (i) the non-marriage of Amen- 
hotep II. on his accession ; though, even if he had then 
been married, his mother's prominence, to the ex- 
clusion of a supposed wife, would imply his being yet 
immature ; (2) the lengths of reigns in Manetho, which 
are, however, on the contrary, too long already to 
seem likely ; or (3) the proof that Tahutmes IV. was 
son of Amenhotep II., for were they brothers, the whole 

B.C. is**-'!*'.) ROYAL FAMILY 57 

would harmonise well, but yet Horemheb can hardly 
have made an error in the history of the period of his 
own lifetime. 

What renders these early accessions, of Amenhotep 
II. at 20, and Tahutmes IV. at 24, the more likely, is 
that both are represented as children in the tombs of 
their nurse and tutor respectively. Had they been 
elderly on their accessions, their childhood would have 
been hardly so much thought of and commemorated. 

To return, then, to the family of Amenhotep I., we 
may assign to queen Aah'hotep the parentage of the 
future queen Aah'mes, and probably also of the other 
queen Mut'nefert and the princes Amen'mes and 
Uaz*mes. Of the latter, a temple was erected at 
Thebes, with a stele showing him stand- 
ing behind his brother Tahutmes L, 
adored by Tahutmes III.; other mention 
of him is also found in the same building 
(M.E. 5, n), which had been, however, 
restored by Amenhotep III., a ring of FIG. 24. Scarab 
whom was found under the threshold. ofNebta. F.P. 
Nebt'ta was another daughter of Aalr Coll< 
hotep, as stated by Lepsius (L.K. 328). A scarab of 
hers is known. 

From an ostrakon, and from the temple at Deir el 
Bahri, we know that the mother of Tahutmes L was 
named Sen'senb. It has been suggested that the 
Tahutmes line was of a new family, by both father 
and mother ; but we have seen how the old family 
reverenced Tahuti along with Aah in the time of Kames, 
so that the name may well appear in the Aahmes line. 
And a strong evidence of his descent is given by his 
wife Aahmes; she was called "lady of both lands," 
showing her royal heritage, and she was also " royal 
sister," showing her husband's relation to her and to 
the family. Above all, he calls himself " king's son of 
a king's son," claiming descent from Amenhotep and 
Aahmes (L.D. iii. 18). 


[DYN. xvm. a.] 

FIG. 25. Sensenb, mother of Tahutmes I. Copy 
by Mr. Carter, Deir el Bahri. 

tB.C. 1541-1516.] 



r o * *N 

XVIII. 3. AA 'KEEPER "KA'RA 1 W j J 1 


Deir cl Bahri 



(Ms. M. 581). 
(Ms. M. 545). 



Deir el Bahri 

Temple begun 

(C.M, 192, 5). 

Deir el Medineh 


(L.D. iii. yf). 

Medinet Habu 

Offering- to Amen 

(C.M. 195, 2). 



(L.D. iii. 27; i, 2). 


Pylons iv. v. viii. 

(M.K. ii.). 

Scene and inscription 

(L.D. iii. 18). 

Osiride figures 

(M.K. text 28). 


(M.K. 2). 


(L.D. iii. 6). 

Portions of statues 

(W.G. 328). 


Canal inscription 

(Rec. xiii. 202). 



(C.L. 114). 


List of gifts 

(L.D. Hi. 47 c). 
(L.D. iii. 59 a). 

Tangur (21 15' N.) 


(S.B.A. vii. 121). 

Tombos (19 40' N.) 


(L.D. iii. 5). 

Arqo (19 27') 


(W.T. 472). 

Statue seated, diorite, T. Mus. (L.T. 1374). 

(portrait in L.D. iii. 292, 
Vase, glazed steatite B. Mus. 4762. 
,, glazed pottery P. Mus. 502. 
Menat blue glaze (Wiedemann Coll.). 


Queens AAHMES 

Deir el Bahri 
Ivory wand 


Statue of Tahutmes II., Karnak (M.K. 38 b, 4). 
Statue, Qurneh G. Mus. (V.G. 231). 

T. Mus. 
(B. Mus., P. Mus.). 

60 AA-KHEPER-KA-RA [DYN. xvm. 3- 

Children ofAahmes 

Khebt'neferu Deir el Bahri (L.D. iii. 8 b). 

Hatshepsut ,, ,, 

of Mut'nefert 

Tahutmes II. Statue (above). 

That Tahutmes was not co-regent with Amenhotep 
for any length of time, is seen from the dating of a 
record of a campaign in his second year. Moreover, 
his coronation edict has been happily preserved, and 
does not suggest any co-regency. It appears that 
copies of the royal edicts were officially sent out, and 
the copy of this despatch for Elephantine was for- 
tunately recovered there lately (A.Z. xxix. 117). It 
reads thus : 

" A letter of the king to cause thee to know that 
my majesty is risen as king on the throne of Horus, 
without equal for ever. My titles are to be made as 
Horus Ka nekht^ meryMaat ; Samuti Kha'em'nesert'aa* 
pehti ; Hor'nub, Nefer renptit, sankh abu ; suten biti 
Acrkheper'ka'ra; sa ra Tahuti'mes ; ankh zet er neheh. 
Cause the offerings of the gods of Abu in the south to 
be made by the will of the prince (l.h.w.) the king of 
Upper and Lower Egypt, Aa'kheper'ka'ra. 

" Cause thou that the oath be administered in the 
name of my majesty (l.h.w.), born of the royal mother 
Sen'senb. This is written that thou mayest know it, 
and that the royal house is safe and strong. 

" The first year, Phamenoth, day 21. Day of corona- 
tion. " 

This date, and the coronation of Tahutmes III. on 
the 4th of Pakhons, give us some data to check the 
months of the reigns according to Manetho. The 
lengths of reign he states are Tahutmes I., 25 y. 4 m. ; 
Tahutmes II., 13 y. ; Hatshepsut, 21 y. 9 m. Hence, 
placing in order the months in question thus, we 

Mekhir, before 2ist Hatshepsut dies 

Phamenoth 2ist, Tahutmes I. begins 

D.C. ISO-is^.] TAHUTI-MES I 61 

Pharmuthi, wars of Tahutmes III. beg-in 

Pakhons 4th, Tahutmes II. dies 

4th, Tahutmes III. begins 
about 4th, Tahutmes II. begins 


Epiphi, about 2ist Tahutmes I. dies. 

Thus we see that Tahutmes II. dated his reign a few 
weeks before the death of Tahutmes I. ; probably on 
being" associated at the occasion of his early marriage 
with Hatshepsut, who was already named successor to 
Tahutmes I., between the months of Mekhir and 
Mesori (see obelisk inscriptions). 

The interval between Hatshepsut's death and the 
beginning of the active wars of Tahutmes III. was 
very short. It is indicated thus: Tahutmes began 
his campaign in his 22nd year in Pharmuthi, and passes 
in the history immediately to Pakhons in his 23rd year ; 
hence he began after 21 years n months of regnal 
inactivity. Now Hatshepsut reigned 21 years 9 
months according to Manetho, from Tahutmes Ilnd's 
death, leaving only two months for Tahutmes III. to 
have organised his campaign, so soon as he was master. 
The coronation of Hatshepsut on Thoth ist (Rec. 
xviii. 102) would show that little over a month elapsed 
between her father's death on Epiphi 2ist, and the 
ceremony of her crowning, probably postponed a little 
to bring it on the New Year's feast. We now see 
how these years and months of reigns show no dis- 
crepancies with the official dates that are preserved ; 
but, on the contrary, throw additional light upon the 

Of the wars of Tahutmes I. we know buj; little. The 
invaluable biographies of Aahmes and Pen'nekheb at 
El Kab are again our best resource. Aahmes relates 

" It was my lot " (at about 65 years old) " to convey 

62 AA'KHEPER-KA'RA [DYN. xvm. 3- 

king Aa*kheper*ka*ra (makheru) on his journey up to 
Khent'henrnefer for the purpose of chastising the 
disturbance among the tribes, and of exterminating the 
raiders from the hills. I displayed valour upon his 
[ships ?] on the bad (?) water in the [rescuing ?] of the 
ships at the overturning " (or " at Ta Penayt "), " and I 
was raised to the dignity of a captain-general of the 
marines. His majesty " [one line unengraved ?J " His 
majesty became furious at it like a panther, and he 
shot his first arrow which stuck in the breast of that 
wretch ; and these [fled ?] fainting before his asp : " (the 
royal emblem on the cap). " Then was made of them in 
an instant . . . Their people were carried off as living 
captives. His majesty returned down the river, all 
regions being within his grasp. That vile Anu of 
Khent was kept with his head down in evil plight when 
his majesty landed at Thebes. 

" After this he went to the Ruten for the purpose of 
taking satisfaction upon the countries. His majesty 
arrived at Naharina (Upper Mesopotamia) ; he found 
that enemy who had plotted conspiracy. His majesty 
made a great slaughter of them ; an immense number 
of live captives were carried off by his majesty from his 

" Behold, I was at the head of our soldiers, and his 
majesty saw my valour as I seized upon a chariot, its 
horses, and those who were on it as living captives ; I 
took them to his majesty, and I was once more 
presented with the gold. I have grown up and have 
reached old age" (over 90 then), "my honours are 
like . . . and I shall rest in my tomb which I myself 
have made" (L.D. iii. 12). 

Pen'nekheb states: "I followed the king of Upper 
and Lower Egypt, Aa'kheper-ka'ra (makheru) : I took 
for him in Kush two prisoners alive, beside the 
prisoners brought by me from Kush, I do not reckon 
them" (L.A.^xiv. A.B.). Again he mentions the Kush 
campaign in another passage (L.D. iii. 43 a). And he 
also went in the Syrian war: "Again I acted for the 
king Aa'kheperka'ra, makheru : I took for him in the 

B.C. 1541-1516.] 


land of Naharaina 21 hands, a horse and a chariot" 
(L.A. xiv.). 

Of the Nubian war there are several memorials far 
up the Nile at Tombos. But the long- inscription there, 
dated in his first year, does not contain any information, 
beyond a high-flown account of all countries being 
subject to the king. 

FIG. 26. Head of Tahutmes I. Deir el Bahri. 
(From Egypt Exploration Fund.) 

Of the Syrian war we learn further in the inscription 
of Tahutmes III., when he states that "he placed 
another where was the tablet of his father the king of 
Upper and Lower Egypt, Aa'kheperka-ra" ; and 
further, "His majesty came to the city of Niy on his 
return. Then his majesty set up his tablet fa Naharaina 
to enlarge the frontiers of Kemi " (L.A. xii.). This 
points to the limits of the conquests of Tahutmes I. 

6 4 


[DYN. XVIH. 3. 

having been about the district of Niy, which seems 
to have been on the Euphrates in the region of 

It appears, then, that Tahutmes I. must have had the 
way paved for him by some unrecorded conquests of 
Amenhotep ; as we see that early in his reign he claims 
general sovereignty, and was soon able to push his 
frontier as far forward as it was carried by the greatest 
of his successors, Tahutmes III. He overran the 
Ruten, or the hill country of Palestine, the land of 
Naharaina, or northern Syria, and established his 
frontier boundary on the Euphrates at the place where 
his son also set up his tablet. Unfortunately we have 
no detailed record of the cities or tribes subdued by 
him, such as the later kings engraved, and cannot, 
therefore, gain a more exact geographical account. 

The coffin of this king was found in the great deposit 
of Deir el Bahri. It was gilded and inlaid, but had 
been stripped in ancient times. It had been usurped 

by Pairtezem I. ; but 
through all the changes 
the name of the first 
conqueror of Asia can 
still be read (Ms. M. 

545> 57o)- 

The mummy, how- 
ever, of Painezem was 
found elsewhere, in the 
coffin of Aah'hotep II. ; 
and a nameless mummy 
was found in the coffin 
of Tahutmes. This body 
Maspero inclines to be- 
lieve to be that of 
FIG. 2 7 .-Mummy of Tahutmea I. Tahutmes, replaced 

there by - pious care 

when Painezem's usurpation was reversed. The resem- 
blance between this head and that of Tahutmes II. 

B.C. 1541-1516.) TAHUTI-MES I 65 

(Ms. M. vii. viii.) is adduced ; but a stronger likeness 
of expression and character exists between the portrait 
of Tahutmes I. at Deir el Bahri temple and the 
mummy, particularly in front view. 

The body shows unusual vigour and a fine form ; it 
is very well preserved, but unhappily all the wrappings 
had been destroyed, and so no evidence of the name 
remained (Ms. M. 581). The locality and the por- 
traiture is all that identifies it. 

In the Delta and Middle Egypt no work of 
Tahutmes I. has yet been found. At Nubt, near 
Negadeh, he rebuilt the temple of Set, of which door- 
jambs and a lintel of fine work were found lately. 

At Deir el Bahri the temple may have been designed 
under Tahutmes I., but the sculptures representing him 
appear to be all due to his great daughter. 

At Deir el Medineh bricks of his are found (L.D. 
iii. yf.) ; but at Medinet Habu he founded one of the 
most important temples of his family ; and the many 
erasures and alterations of names are a study in family 
antipathies. His cartouches have been altered from 
Ra*aa*kheper*ka to Ra'ma'ka by Hatshepsut, and 
again altered back again by Tahutmes III. (L.D. iii. 
27, i, 2). The decoration appears to have gone on 
but slowly, and to have reflected the many changes of 
the time. The lintels of some doors were engraved by 
Tahutmes I., while their jambs were by the third ; 
other lintels are by the second, and their jambs by 
Hatshepsut (L.D. iii. 27, i, 2). The first is seen 
offering to Amen ; the second offering to Min ; the 
third on his throne, with his wife Merytra behind him ; 
or, again, hoeing up a foundation, showing that he 
founded some parts of this temple (C.M. 195). 

In the chapel of Uaz'mes (M.E. v.), a stele erected by 
a tutor of that prince, figures Tahutmes I. and his 
little deceased brother Uazmes, adored by Tahutmes 
III. (M.E. ii.), nearly a year before Hatshepsut's death. 
There is also a tablet of a tutor of the royal children of 
Tahutmes I., probably the same person (M.E. vi.). 

At Karnak a pylon (IV. Baedeker) fronting the 

n S 

66 AA-KHEPER'KA'RA IDVK. xvm. 3. 

Amen temple was built by this king, and along the 
inner face a row of Osiride statues of himself were 
placed. Another pylon (IX. Baedeker) was also built 
by him, although the decoration was finished by his 
sons and Amenhotep II. It is on the north face of this 
that an important inscription occurs, declaring the 
co-regency of Hatshepsut. Tahutmes declares that he 
has led the most distant people, that he has scattered 
all trouble in Egypt, and put an end to crime and 
destroyed impiety ; that he has brought order in place 
of the rebellions which appeared in Lower Egypt. 
Then he prays to Amen to give the lower and upper 
country to his daughter the king Ma'ka'ra, as it has 
been given to him (Mel. i. 46). Subsequently Tahut- 
mes III. has altered Ma'ka'ra to Aa'kheperka'ra. 
This document is almost more than an association of 
Hatshepsut with the king ; it prays Amen to give the 
sovereignty to the daughter as it had been given to the 
father, making almost an abdication. This suggests 
that it must have been at the end of the life of the king, 
when he felt no longer able to rule. The reason 
of placing the daughter in power rather than the son, 
is seen in the ages. Hatshepsut was probably 24, 
and doubtless showed already her vast abilities ; 
while Tahutmes II. was probably not more than 17, 
and was of no great strength. He was not married *io 
his sister at the time of this inscription. So it appears 
that on failing health the king placed the power in the 
hands of his eldest child, who had the sole right to it 
by the female inheritance ; and then, just a few weeks 
before his death, married Tahutmes II. to her, perhaps 
to ensure his receiving some respect for his position if 
not for his character. 

Two pillars of Tahutmes I. were re-used later on 
(between pylons IV. and V. Baed.) ; but Mariette 
attributes to this king all the pillars between pylons IV. 
and V., and those east of pylon V. as well. 

This king also placed one of the two obelisks in 
front of his pylon ; but it has been disfigured by 
Ramesside inscriptions crowded down the blank margins 



of the inscriptions (L.D. iii. 6). A base for a statue 
remains in front of this ; and fragments of two statues 
are seen in the place (W. G. 
328). The fellow obelisk is due 
to Tahutmes III. (M.K. ii.). 

A very enigmatical block was 
found here, of which no explana- 
tion is yet possible. It has a 
large cartouche horizontal ; 
within that a small cartouche 
vertical of Tahutmes I. ; on 
one side of that "year 8," and 
on a raised oval Ra'aa'kheper 
and an inexplicable curl ; on 
the other side a like oval, with 
Ra % aa 'khepertefka 'khepermery, 
and "year 6" (G. Mus.). 

At Aswan an interesting 
memorial remains of the cam- 
paign of this king, and his 
-passage up the old canal cut by 
Usertesen III. for his Nubian 
wars (see i. p. 179). The 
viceroy of the south inscribed 
the rock thus, below the names of Tahutmes I. : " Year 
3, Pakhons aoth, his majesty passed this canal in force 
and power in his campaign to crush Ethiopia the vile. 
Prince Turo " (Rec. xiii. 202). Another inscription 
after the titles states : " His majesty came to Kush to 
crush the vile" (M.I. i. 41, 185). And a third (all 
dated on the same day), after the titles, states: "His 
majesty commanded to clear this canal, after he had 
found it filled with stones, so that no boat could pass 
up it. He passed up it, his heart rejoicing' 1 (M.I. i. 

85, 13)- 

At Ibrim is a rock shrine with figures of the king 
seated between Tahuti and Sati (C.L. 114). 

The frontier fortresses of Semneh and Kummeh, 
which were so important under the Xllth dynasty 
(see pp. 179-181), became again the keys of the south 

FIG. 28. Part of obelisk of 
Tahutmes I. Karnak. 

68 AA'KHEPER-KA'RA [DYN. xvm. 3 . 

lands under the XVIIIth. Tahutmes I. began the 
rebuilding here, and a list of gifts to Amen bears his 
name at Semneh (L.D. iii. 470) ; while at Kummeh his 
sculptures were usurped by his son Tahutmes II. 
(L.D. iii. 59 a). 

Three records of his conquests remain in Ethiopia: 
at Tangur (21 15' N.), on a rock 60 feet above the 
Nile, is a record of the return of the king in his 2nd 
year, with a convoy led by Aahmes, scribe of the 
troops (S.B.A. vii. 121). And, farther still, at Tombos 
(19 40' N.) is a large stele of the 2nd year, and several 
smaller ones, referring to his conquests of the Nehasi 
and of Kush. The historical details of these we have 
already noticed. Lastly, at Arqo is a stele known as 
" the golden stone " (W.T. 472). 

Beside the royal monuments there are several private 
inscriptions of interest. 

A man named Amenhotep bears the title, " Chief 
king's son of Aa'kheper'ka'ra " ; but as he is shown 
offering to his father Tehuti'sena, and mother 
Ta'hured, and to his brother Neferhotep, it appears 
that this king's- son must be purely titular, and not 
related to the king. The " king's son of Kush/' as the 
title of the viceroy of Ethiopia, shows that there were 
titular " king's sons " ; and this Amenhotep would 
therefore be the chief of such a class (L.D. iii. 9). 

Of the officials of this reign there are recorded 

Penaati Director of works (P.S. 476). 

Pu Great builder (A.Z. xix. 67). 

Tehuti Director of hewers (E.L. 35). 

Aa'kheper'ka Keeper of equipment (M.A.F. viii. 275, 64), 

Userhat Keeper of the palace (Rec. iv. 125 ; L.T. 1456). 

Sebekhotep Guardian of the palace (S. Cat. F. 1566). 

Pet'en'ra Keeper of the cattle (M.A.F. viii. 289, 171). 

x Tutor of the princes (M.E. vi.). 

(The keeper of equipment, za'khau, is analogous to the phrase 
"ship's husband.") 

Of priests and adorers there are 

Aa'kheperka'ra'senb, canopic jars, (W.G. 327). 

P. Mus. 
Amenemhat (under Tahut, III.) (L.D. iii. 29 c). 

B.C. 1541-1516.] 



Neta Cone 

Uaz'shemsu T, Mus. 
Sebek'nekht Tomb 
Sem'nefer T. Mus. 
x (Siisileh) Tomb 
Peirnekheb, hon ka (see p. 477 
lufi, praising" Aahmes 

(M.A.F. viii. 297, 261). 
(Rec. ii. 172 ; L.T. 1457). 
(C.N. 512). 

Rec. iii. 113). 

L.D. iii. 28, 4a-d). 

L.D. iii. 43 H 

Rec. ix. 93). 

The king is also mentioned in some tombs at Thebes, 
Nos. 9 (C.N. 501) and 30 of Amenhotep (C.N. 519) ; 
and at Siisileh, in the tomb of Menkh (L.D. iii. 8c). 

Of portable objects there is a seated statue in diorite, 
about life size, in Turin (L.T. 1374) J a ^ so * wo ^ ra 8f" 
ments of statues lying" still at Karnak, in the hall 
behind pylon V. A seated colossus remains in front of 
pylon VIII. at the west end, which was erected by 
Tahutmes III. in his 42nd year in honour of his father 
(Mel. i. 46). Two vases and a menat are noted above 
in the list. Of scarabs there are many, and some 
peculiar types ; one has the ka name down the middle, 
between the repeated throne name (P. Mus.) ; another 
has a sphinx with the name, and on the back instead of 
a beetle a kneeling" figure 
(P.P. Coll.); another has the 
joint cartouches of Tahutmes 
I. and Hatshepsut, she being 
named sa ra (P. Mus.) ; this 
was probably made during 
the brief co-regency at the 
end of his reign. Of both 
this king and Hatshepsut 
there are unusual scarabs 

with the kor nub name and the uraeus and vulture 

Of Queen AAHMES a few objects remain. Her 
portraits appear at the temple of Deir el Bahri ; an 
ivory wand in the form of an arm bears her cartouche 
(T. Mus.) ; and two scarabs of her are known (P. Mus., 
B. Mus.). 

Sat *amen, this king's supposed sister and wife, has 
been regarded as of far more importance than is war- 

Fig-. 29. Scarabs of Tahutmes I. 


[DVK. xviii. 3. 

ranted, owing- to the mistake of attributing a reign in 
Manetho to her instead -of to Hatshepsut (C.B. i. 27). 

FIG. 30. Head/ of Queen Aahmes, 
Deir el Bahr/ 1 - (From Egypt 
Exploration iFund. ) 

FIG. 31. Queen Aahmes. From a 
photograph by Mr. H. Carter. 

In fact, ^o trace of this supposed queen is to be found, 
except a green glazed steatite toilet-box in the Louvre 

FIG. 32. Ivory wand of Aahmes. Turin. 

(P. Sc. 852) ; there is no evidence to whjat reign this 
belongs, and there seems no reason why it should not 
have been part of the outfit of the infant heiress of 


Aahmes and Nefertari, thus setting aside altogether a 
later and mythical Sat 'amen. 

Of queen MUT'NEFERT a fine statue in sandstone was 
found in the chapel of Uaz-mes (V.G. 231 ; M.E. i.). 
It bears the inscription on the throne, " The good god, 
lord of both lands, Aa*kheper*en'ra (Tahutmes II.), 
made by him his monuments of his mother, royal wife, 
royal mother, Mufnefert, makheru" This queen was 

FIG. 33. Queen Mufnefert. 

Fie. 34. Princess Khebf 
neferu. Deir el Bahri. 

a daughter of Amenhotep, as she appears on the 
statue of Tahutmes II. as the " royal daughter, royal 
wife," at Karnak (M.K. 38 b, 4). The royal children 
were the heiress Khebf neferu (L.D. iii. 8 b), who died 
early, as she was not married ; and the great queen 
Hatshepsut, who was married to her half-brother 
Tahutmes II., the son of Mufnefert. 

72 AA'KHEPER-EN-RA CDVN. xvm. 4. 

XVIII. 4. AA-KHEPER'EN*RA( jrj, ^^ j ^. 


Coffin and mummy, Deir el Bahri (Ms. M. 545). 

Deir el Bahri, temple, parts (L,D. iii. 17 a, 20 a). 

(D.H. ii. 21). 

Medinet Habu, temple, partn (C.M. 195, 4). 

Bricks on west side (Pr. M. 23, 15). 

Karnak, pylon IX. begun (L.D. iii. 14, 15, 16). 

2 statues by pylon VIII. (M.K. 38 b, e). 

Chambers X, Y, Z, Z 1 (C.N. ii. 145-6). 

Esneh, red granite pillars (P.R. ii. 3, 43). 

Aswan, inscription (L.D. iii. i6a). 

Semneh, inscription (L.D. iii. 47 c). 

Kummeh, alteration of Tahut. I (L.D. iii. 59 a). 

Barkal (W.T. 472). 

El Ayun, Oasis, Stele . (A.Z. 1876, 120). 

Pakhen offering to T. II., stele, T. Mus. (L.T. 1458). 
Penaati, director of works, Silsileh. (P.S. 476). 

Isis and Horus. Lee Collection (Cat. No. 27). 

Scarabs and cowroid. 

ASET, wrappings of Tahutmes III. (Ms. M. 548). 
Children^oy Hatshepsut} Neferu'ra, Assasif (C.M. cxcii. 3 ; cxciv. 

i, 3; head best in 
R.H. ii. 8). 
M cry t * ra H at shep- 

(by Asef) Tahutmes III. (Ms. M. 548). 

That Tahutmes II. was not co-regent for any length 
of time with his father, is shown by an inscription at 
Aswan being dated in his first year. This records his 
expedition to Kush. He states that he was " revered 
in the lands of the Hanebu (or Mediterranean), and 
that the Mentiirsetet and Anirkhent (north and south) 
came with their offerings. His south boundary was to 

B.C. 1516-1503.] TAHUTI-MES II 73 

the opening of the level land, and his north bound to 
the pehu of the Setit (the lakes of Syria), all these are 
serfs of his majesty. His arms were not repulsed from 
the land of the Fenkhu. . . . Then one came with 
good news to his majesty, < that the vile Kush has 
gone into rebellion ... to injure the people of Egypt, 
and to raid their cattle, even beyond the gates which 
thy father built in his victory to beat back the rebellious 
foreigners, even the Anu'khent of Khent*hen*nefer, 
being come to the north of the vile Kush ' . . . His 
majesty raged at it like a panther. * As I live, as Ra 
loves me, as my father lord of the gods praises me, I 
will not leave a male alive.' He sent a great army to 
the land of Khent in his good and victorious time to 
overthrow the rebellious ; . . . this army of his majesty 
overthrew these foreigners, they took the life of every 
male according to all that his majesty commanded ; 
excepting that one of those children of the prince of 
Kush was brought alive as a live prisoner with their 
household to his majesty, placed under the feet of the 
good god. Behold, his majesty was seated upon the 
throne when were brought the prisoners which the 
army of his majesty were bringing. This nation being 
made as bondmen of his majesty, as in old time. The 
people rejoiced and gave praise to the lord of both 
lands, exalting the good god." From this it is evident 
that Tahutmes II. did not go to lead the campaign 
himself, and this accords with his youth, being only 
about seventeen at this time. Another war is men- 
tioned by Aahmes Pen'nekheb, who states: " I followed 
the king Aa*kheper*en*ra, makheru, I brought away 
from the land of the Shasu (Bedawin) very many 
prisoners, I do not reckon them. . . . the king 
Aa'kheper'en*ra gave me two gold bracelets, six 
collars, three bracelets of lazuli, and a silver war axe". 
(L.A. xiv. ; R.P. iv. 8). 

The temple at Deir el Bahri, which is mainly occu- 
pied with the scenes of the expedition to Punt, must 
have been begun to be sculptured toward the end of his 
reign, as he only appears on some parts of it, and 



[DYN. xvm. 4,, 

Tahutmes III. is more usually found there. This 
agrees with the expedition having been made late in 

FIG. 35. Mummy of Tahutmes II. Ghizeh. Profile and front view. 

. 1516-1503.] 



his reign, in the ninth year (Rec. xviii. 103). Thus there 
were but four years for the expedition and the sculp- 

FIG. 36. Portrait of Tahutmes II. 

FIG. 37. Coffin of Tahutmes 1 1. 

turing before he died. Even during his life, Hatshep- 
sut appears to have taken the leading part; as she 

76 AA'KHEPER'EN-RA [DYH. xvm, 4. 

well might, being so much older than he, and having 
been associated on the throne before him. In short, 
he appears to be solely the husband of Hatshepsut, 
and not to have taken any important action in the 
government. From his mummy it seems that he 
was not healthy, nor of a strong frame like that of 
his father or brother. And his early death bears this 

The great work of the temple at Deir el Bahri we 
shall consider in the next reign, that of Hatshepsut, 
who appears to have been the real author of it. 

At Medinet Habu there is a scene of this king offer- 
ing to Min (C.M. 195, 4). But most of the occurrences 
of his name there are due to the need of filling in 
some name over the erasures of Hatshepsut's name by 
Tahutmes III. ; some places he filled in with his 
father's, and some places with his grandfather's, over 
the loathed cartouche of his great sister (L.D. iii. 
7 a, b, c). 

At Karnak was the principal work of this reign. 
The pylon IX. was begun, and half of the doorway 
inscription completed, the rest being filled in by 
Tahutmes In. (L.D. iii. 16, d-g). Two statues before 
this pylon are also of the builder. And several of the 
chambers were decorated under him ; following Cham- 
pollion's lettering, X shows Tahutmes II. offering to 
Amen, but usurped by Hatshepsut, while Hatshepsut's" 
original work in this room is unaltered ; Y has Tahut- 
mes II. offering to Amen, perfect on the north side, but 
usurped by Hatshepsut on the south ; room Z has bad 
work of Tahutmes II. in part, and of Tahutmes III. in 
the rest ; and room Z 1 has some fragments of a granite 
doorway of Tahutmes II. So this decoration must 
have been running on during the latter part of his 
reign, and left unfinished at his death. 

He also appears to have built at Esneh, as two 
red granite pillars from there bear his name (both in 
P. Mus.): one has titles and name,. " beloved son of 
Sati" (P.R. 1i. 3); the other has been usurped by 
Ramessu II., and is a fragment of an obelisk naming- 



the divinities Thenent and Menthu (P.R. ii. 43), These 
pillars had probably been brought from Taud (opposite 
Erment), which is named upon them. 

At Aswan is the long inscription of the Nubian war 
in his first year (L.D. iii. 16 a). Others have been 
attributed to this king* (M.I. i.) ; but reading only 
Ra*aa*kheper, they might as well be of Tahutmes I. 
or of Amenhotep II., and are probably of the latter. 

At Semneh, Tahutmes II. is named with his father 
in an inscription recording gifts to Amen on the front 
wall (L.D. iii. 47 c). And at Kummeh he has converted 
the name of his 
father into his own 
(L.D. iii. 59 a). 
At Barkal in Ethi- 
opia, remains of 
his are f o u n d 
(W.T. 472). 

In the Oasis of 
El Ayun (Farafra) 
is an inscription of 
this reign seen by 
Ascherson (A.Z. 
1876, 120). 

Of private re- 
mains there is the 
stele (T. Mus.) of 
Pakhen offering 
to this king (L.T. 
1458); and at Shut er Regal the graffito of Penaati, the 
director of works (P.S. 476). The tomb of Pen'nekheb 
at El Kab, which is of so much importance for the 
preceding reigns, was made under this king, as also 
the grey granite statue of Pen-nekheb (A.Z. xxi. 77). 

Of minor remains, a statuette of Isis and Horus has 
the name of Tahutmes II. on the side of the throne, 
above groups of bound prisoners (Lee Cat. 27). 

Scarabs are not common, and one with the ka name 
is the only type of interest. 

The queen Hatshepsut we shall notice by herself in 

FIG. 38. Princess Nefrura. Deir el Bahri. 

78 AA-KHEPER-EN'RA CDW. xvm. 4 -l 

the next section. The daughter Neferirra was the 
eldest, being the " lady of both lands, princess of the 
north and south "; and she appears next behind Hatshep- 
sut and Tahutmes III. in scenes. Yet she was never 
married, which points to her early death before the 
adolescence of Tahutmes III. As late, however, as 
the 1 6th year of Hatshepsut, she 
was alive, as Senmut was keeper 
of her palace when he went to 
quarry the great obelisks (L.D. 
iii. 25 bis, q). This, therefore, 
points to Tahutmes being then 
FIG. 39. Scarabs of Nef- unmarried. Several scarabs of 
rura. P.P. Coll. Neferu'ra are known. Meryfra was the second daughter (shepset, singular, 
distinguishes this from her mother, shcpsut^ plural) ; she 
was the wife of Tahutmes III., " great royal wife," 
but not called heiress ; and she was the mother of 
Amenhotep II. Two or three scarabs of her are known. 
The descent of Tahutmes III. has been in much 
doubt. That his mother was a concubine named Aset 
is certain, but the evidence varies between Tahutmes I. 
and Tahutmes II. as his father. The former king has 
generally been credited, on the strength of a statue of 
Anebni (B.M., A.B. 51), which names Tahutmes III. 
as brother of Hatshepsut. But against this there is 
the statue of Tahutmes II. (so named on the belt), 
dedicated by Tahutmes III. to "his father" (M.K. 
38 b, z) ; and in the tomb of Anna, Tahutmes II. is 
said to have "joined the gods, and his son held his place 
as king, and was prince on the throne of him who 
begat him" (Rec. xii. 105-7). The last expression, 
which is much relied on by Maspero (S.B.A. xiv. 178), 
is not conclusive, as Tahutmes III. occupied the 
throne equally of Tahutmes I. as of Tahutmes II. So 
we have the expression "son" (Anna's tomb) and 
"father" (statue) to set against the "brother" of 
Hatshepsut (on Anebni's statue). Probably the phrase 
brother is used for nephew here, or brother's son ; and 
we should see in Tahutmes III. a son of Tahutmes II. 

IB.C. 1516-1481.] 



XVIII. 5 . f oj ?t 

MAAT'KA'RA \^ 1 l 

\\ B.C. 1516-1503 

-JJ| with Tahut. II. 


HAT'SHEPSUT ^ f| l"^ 

(KhnunrAmen) \^ H AAAAAA 

* ^ <r\ A$? 1 "N with Tahut. 
^.^^l j m 
U ^ AD 1 J\ in. 

Wady Maghara Stele, i6th year 

Sarbnt el Khadem Glazed bowls 

Buto Seal of temple of Amen 

Speos Artemidos Sculpture 

Deir el Bahri Temple 


Medinet Habu 

El Kab 
Kom Onibo 


Sandstone block 

Chamber sculptures 

Temple of Mut begun 

Erased name 




Stele of Sen'mut 

(L,D. iii. 28, 2). 

(B.P. 56). 

(Ms. G. 91). 

(Rec. iii. i ; vi. 20). 

(L.D. iii. 8-27; D.H. 

passim, N.D.B.). 
(L.D. iii. 25^/5, 26). 
(L.D. iii. 22-24; R.P. 

xii. 127 ; L.D. iii. 

24 a-c). 
(W.G. 338). 
(C.N. ii. 145). 

(L.D. iii. 7 a, b, c). 
(L.D. iii. 26, 4). 
(R.S. iii. i. 130). 
(L.D. iii. 28, i). 
(L.D. iii. 25 bis, q). 



Statues, two 

Dedicated to Tahut. I. 

by Hatshepsut 

Set of draug-htmen 
Part of cartouche 
Lion's head draught- 


G. Coll. 

Headless, Berl. 

Head of, Berl. 


Heads of 


Deir el Bahri, 

(L.A. xi.) 

(Rec. ii. 128; C.N. ii. 

Biban el Meluk, B. Mus. 

(L.D. iii. 25). 
(L.D. iii. 25). 
(A.Z. xii. 45). 
(L.D. iii. 25). 
(S.B.A. 1885, 183). 
G. Mus. (Ms. M. 584). 

G. Mus. (Ms. G. 123). 

P. Mus. (616). 
P. Mus. (456). 




Alabaster vases Abydos G. Mus. (M.A. 1467-8). 

P. Mus. (456, 356-7) 

,, ,, Alnwick (Cat. 1380). 

Models of tools P ; F ; G ; Leydcn, T. Muss. 

Bead, glass or obsidian (W.M.C. ii. 141). 

Scarabs and plaques. 

Although the reign of this queen is entirely over- 
lapped by those of her co-regents, Tahutmes I., II., 
and III., yet her importance during the life of her 
husband, and her independence during the nominal 

reign of her nephew, until her 
death, make it most fitting 
to treat her monuments and 
acts separately. 

Her activity seems to have 
been entirely given to peaceful 
enterprises, owing to the 
vigour and extensive con- 
quests of her father having 
ensured an age of tranquillity 
to the realm. 

In the Sinaitic peninsula 
FIG. 40. Portrait of Hatshepsut. she worked the mines. At 
MfcLrter. ri< Photographby Wady Maghara, a tablet, 
dated in her i6th year (= the 

3rd year of Tahutmes III.), shows her offering to 
Sopd, and Tahutmes III. offering to Hathor. It fias 
been suggested that, as he has the crown of Lower 
Egypt, he was ruler there, while she ruled the upper 
country ; but this cannot hold good, as he has the 
double crown on her obelisk (L.D. iii. 246), and has 
the upper crown on the doorway of Kom Ombo, built 
under Jier (L.D. iii. 28, i b). At Sarbut el Khadem 
she reopened the mines which had been worked by 
Amenemhat II. (p. 165) ; and pieces of glazed vases, 
bowls, etc., are found there with her name, and the 
names of later rulers down to the XXth dynasty. This 
shows that not only the mines were worked, but also 
potteries of glazed ware, and probably the manufacture 
of glass and frit coloured with the copper there 

B.C. 1516-1481.1 HAT-SHEPSUT 81 

found. Such work implies the use of a good deal of 
fuel, and points the more wooded state of the desert in 
past times, as indicated also by other facts (B.P. 56). 

That the Delta began to rise into notice again, is 
shown by the seal of the temple of Amen at Buto, bear- 
ing the name of Hatshepsut (Ms. G. 91). 

At Speos Artemidos, near Beni Hasan, an inscription 
of 42 lines above the facade shows that it was begun by 
this queen, though the interior was further carved by 
Sety I. This inscription shows that she had largely 
refitted the temples, and rebuilt some of them, as we 
have noticed in the XVI Ith dynasty (p. 19). One re- 
markable phrase is, "my spirits inclined toward 
foreign people . . . the people Roshau and luu did not 
hide themselves from me " ; and, further, the expedition 
to Punt is mentioned, and the importation of trees and 
incense. This points to a general taste for geographical 
enterprise, such as we see illustrated in the great ex- 
pedition (Rec. iii. i ; vi. 20). 

The grand work of this queen was her vast and 
unique temple at Deir el Bahri, so called because a 
Coptic convent or Deir was built in its ruins in Chris- 
tian times, and was called the northern (Bahri) often 
misspelled Bahari), in contrast to the southern at Deir 
el Medineh. Owing to the nearness to this temple of 
the great tomb cave where the royal mummies were 
hidden, both have been called by the same narhe ; but 
that sepulchre has no relation to the temple, and is 
round a corner of the cliff, in quite another bay. As 
this temple is now being fully explored, it would be 
premature to attempt to describe its details. 

The general plan is that of a series of three great 
terraces or platforms, rising one higher than another 
ftp the slope of the ground, until the last is backed 
against the vertical cliffs of the mountain. An axial 
stairway led from terrace to terrace. Along the front 
of each terrace the platform was carried on the top of 
a cloister or colonnade. The upper terrace is headed 
by a row of chambers, the middle one of which is carried 
deep into the rock, and lined with sculptured slabs. 

83 MAAT*KA*RA (DVN. xvm. 5- 

Other chambers, and an altar in a courtyard, lie on 
either side of the upper terrace. 

The historical interest is in the representation of the 
great expedition to Punt. This is shown on the wall 
which subdivides the upper terrace across. The head 
of the scene is on the right hand of the spectator. 
There Amen is seated ; before him is a speech of his to 
the queen in 15 columns. A speech of the queen in six 
columns is in front of her figure, standing adoring 

FIG. 41, Sculpture of Deir el Bahri. 

Amen. Next is the bark of Amen, borne by 24 priests 
and two high priests, before which Tahutmes III. makes 
offering of incense. After a speech of the queen in five 
columns, offering all the products of the land of Punt 
to Amen, then appear Safekh and Tahuti, the deities 
of writing and of numbers, registering all the offer- 
ings. Horus superintends the balance, where rings 
and bars of electrum are being weighed. Piles of green 
ana incense are being- measured out. Following these 

B.C. 15x6-1481,] HAT-SHEPSUT 83 

are the trees, the cattle, the logs of ebony, the tusks of 
ivory, the boxes of electrum, the leopard skins, the 
panthers, the giraffe, and the cattle, all of which are 
offered to Amen. 

Following this is a figure of the queen, and of her ka 
behind her, introducing the scenes of the expedition. 
Eight ships and a boat are embarking the produce of 
Punt, the trees transplanted in baskets, the sacks and 
bales and jars, the baboons, all are being brought in 
peace to the fleet. Next is the scene of the meeting of 
the Egyptian troops and commander, with Parohu, the 
chief of Punt, Aty his wife, their two sons and daughter, 
the ass on which the queen rode, and three attendants. 
Behind them is their town ; the houses are built on 
piles and entered by ladders, while palms growing 
beside them overshadow them. The strange fatness of 
the queen has been much speculated upon ; whether it 
was a disease such as elephantiasis, or was natural fat, 
has been debated ; but as her daughter shows much 
the same tendency of curve in the back, it is probably 
the effect of extreme fat, which was considered a beauty, 
as in South Africa at present. 

Scenes in other parts show the festivities of the 
return from Punt, the troops eagerly hastening in pro- 
cession, the sacrifices being cut up and offered, and the 
dances of the Libyan allies with boomerangs. 

Many points of great interest occur in the details. 
The physiognomy of the Punites is finely rendered ; it 
it is much like that of the early Egyptians (compare the 
queen and Hesy), and the form of beard is that of the 
Egyptian gods. The great variety of fishes in the sea 
beneath the ships is no mere fancy ; the species have 
been identified with the Red Sea fishes, and show close 
observation. Either the fish were brought back for the 
artist, or else artists accompanied the expedition prob- 
ably the latter, as the queen and her ass, the houses 
and trees, all seem to have been seen by the designer. 
Another class of details is the military outfit of the 
Egyptian troops ; the standards which they carry, of 
figures in sacred barks, lions, heads, and cartouches of 



B.C. 1516-1481.] 


the queen, the axes, bows, spears, and boomerangs, 
the drum beaten with a hand on either end ; all of 
these are beautifully represented. 

On other parts of the temple, in the colonnade of the 
middle terrace, are scenes of the royal family. Ta- 
hutmes I., queen Aahmes, and the elder daughter, 
Khebfneferu, are there posthumously figured. In the 
chambers cut into the rock at the head of the terraces 
are also various figures of the family : Aahmes, Hat- 
shepsut, and Tahutmes II. are seated before their 
tables of offering, with 
the lists of funeral 
offerings above. These 
are true tomb sculp- 
tures, and show that 
these were the funereal 
chapels of the family. 
But the places of the 
tombs are quite un- 
known. Perhaps they 
are in the rock behind, 
entered from some by- 
passage ; but, as we 
shall see later on, 
there is evidence that 
Hatshepsut's tomb is 
entered from the valley 
Of the kings' tombs, FlG ' 43-Egyp^soldiers. Deir el 

just behind the wall of 

cliff, and therefore more probably the other tombs of 

the family adjoin that. It is rather on the other side 

of the cliff that we must expect the entrance to be 

found to the tombs, and not on the Deir el Bahri 


The next most important works of the great queen 
are the obelisks at Karnak. The greater one was 
erected on the Sed festival in her sixteenth year. The 
sides bear the splendidly cut line of hieroglyphics down 
the middle of each, with the scenes of Hatshepsut and 
Tahutmes III. offering to Amen in all his various 

86 MAAT-KA'RA [DYN. xvm. s . 

characters, while one scene on each side has been 
usurped later by Sety I. This great obelisk was recog- 
nised as a triumph of work and a marvel of speedy 
execution ; and a long inscription in small lines around 
the base of it is happily preserved to show with what 
feelings it was erected. After an adoration to Amen, 
she states " she hath made this as a monument to her 
father Amen, lord of the thrones of the two lands, 
dwelling in Thebes, even hath made for him two great 
obelisks of hard granite of the south, the point of each 
is of electrum, the tribute of the best quality of all coun- 
tries. They are seen on both sides of the valley, the 
two lands are bathed in their splendours. The sun's 
disc rises between them, as when it rises from the 
horizon of heaven. I have done this from a heart full 
of love for my divine father Amen. 

** I have entered upon the way in which he conducted 
me from the beginning, all my acts were according to 
his mighty spirit. I have not failed in anything which 
he hath ordained .... I make this known to the 
generations which are to come, whose hearts will 
enquire after this monument which I have made for my 
father, and who will talk enquiringly and gaze upon it 
in future. I was sitting in the palace, I was thinking 
of my creator, when my heart urged me to make for 
him two obelisks of electrum whose points reach unto 
the sky, in the noble hall of columns which is between 
the two great pylons of the king Aa'kheperka'ra. 
Behold, my heart led me to consider what men would 
say. Oh, ye who see my monument in the course of 
years, and converse of what I have done, beware of 
saying, * I know not, I know not, why these things 
were done ' . . . Verily the two great obelisks that 
my majesty has wrought with electrum, they are for my 
father Amen, to the end that my name should remain 
established in this temple for ever and ever. They are 
of a single stone of hard granite without any joining 
or division in them. My majesty commanded to work 
for them in the I5th year, the first' day of Mekhir, till 
the 1 6th year and the last day of Mesori, making seven 

B.C 1516-1481.] HAT-SHEPSUT 87 

months since the ordering of it in the quarry" (R.P. 
xii. 131). 

As Tahutmes I. died about the end of Epiphi (fifteen 
years before), the sixth of the seven months here named, 
and as by the change in the regnal year Hatshepsut 
must have begun to reign in one of those months, and 
before Tahutmes II. was associated, about early in 
Pakhons (see p. 61), we see that the association of 
Hatshepsut on the throne is limited to Mekhir, Pha- 
menoth, or Pharmuthi, that is, between three and six 
months before her father's death. 

The very brief time of seven months for the whole work 
of this obelisk, of nearly a hundred feet high, in hard 
red granite, has been a stumbling-block and wonder to 
all who have considered it. If we exclude the pre- 
liminaries, and date from the actual cleaving of it from 
the bed, we can scarcely write off less than two months 
for extracting the block and bringing it to Thebes. If 
it were erected in the rough, and then worked by men on 
a scaffolding around it, so as to get the greatest number 
employed at once, we must set off at least a month for 
erecting it and placing the scaffold. Thus four months 
is left for men, working by relays, to dress down, polish 
and engrave, at least three or four square yards of 
surface for each man. This would be the probable 
distribution of time ; and nothing impresses us more 
with the magnificent organisation of the Egyptians, 
than this power of launching hundreds of highly trained 
and competent workmen on a single scheme in perfect 
co-ordination. It is no question of a tyranny of brute 
force and mere numbers ; but, on the contrary, a 
brilliant organisation and foresight dealing with a 
carefully prepared staff. 

The second obelisk has been overthrown, and the 
upper part of it lies broken off, on a bed of fragments 
from the neighbouring buildings. 

In some of the sculptures of the chambers this queen 
also appears ; sometimes in original work, sometimes 
in substitutions of her name for that of Tahutmes II. 
(C.N. ii. 145, rooms X, Y). 

88 MAAT'KA'RA [DYN. xvm. 5, 

At the Tahutmes temple of Medinet Habu she has 
erased her father's name to make room for her own, 
aa'kheper giving place to maat (L.D. Hi. 27). In 
another place her name appears on the jambs, and that 
of her husband on the lintel. At El Kab ^n inscription 
of hers was formerly known (R.S. iii. i. 130). 

At Kom Ombo, the great gateway, now washed 
away, bore her name on it as builder, though Tahutmes 
III. appears on one jamb, and perhaps Tahutmes II. 
on the other, now altered to the Illrd. The absence of 
feminine terminations makes it unlikely to be a figure 
of the queen (L.D. iii. 28, i ; R.R. xxviii.). 

At Aswan the inscription of Senmut on his going to 
quarry the obelisks is valuable, as showing that 
Neferu'ra was still living then. The rapid carving of 
these rock inscriptions on all occasions shows the 
mastery of tools. As the inscription of Hammamat 
also shows (i. p. 151), where a long and fine inscription 
was cut in eight days, as shown by an informal one 
roughly added below it. 

As Senmut was one of the greatest men of his age, 
we may here notice his remains. His statue is in the 
Berlin Museum, and bears a long inscription, from 
which we learn that he was chief tutor to the king's 
daughter, the heiress of the two lands, Neferu'ra ; 
that his parentage was not distinguished, as his 
44 ancestors were not found in writing"; that htr 
was created a prince, the companion, greatly beloved, 
keeper of the temple of Amen, keeper of the granaries 
of Amen, and director of the directors of works (chief 
architect). Other official charges were also held by 
him ; and it is not difficult to see that he was the 
favoured official of the queen, after the death of her 
husband and in the minority of her other brother (L.D. 
iii. 25 h-m). Another statue of his, found in the 
temple of Mut, shows that he built many temples for 
the queen. On his funeral stele he perpetuates the 
memory of his father and mother, though they were not 
distinguished, as he is shown seated between them ; 
the father, Rames, embracing him, the mother, Hat' 


FIG. 44. Senmut the architect. Berlin. 

90 MAAT-KA-RA TDVN. xvm. s . 

nefer, holding a flower before her great son. He 
appears there to have had special charge of the sacred 
cattle, of which many are figured and named (L.D. 
iii. 25 bis, a). His stele at Aswan shows him standing 
before Hatshepsut, and entitled the royal seal-bearer, 
the companion, greatly beloved, keeper of the palace, 
keeper of the heart of the queen (see " keeper of the 
king's conscience," the Lord Chancellor), making con- 
tent the lady of both lands, making all things come to 
pass for the spirits of her majesty. It is stated that he 
there carved the two great obelisks for the queen which 
we have described above (L.D. iii. 25 bis, q). From 
the stamps on the bricks of his tomb, we see that he 
was priest of Aahmes, and held offices for the younger 
daughter, Hatshepset (Meryfra), as well as for the 
elder one, Nefenrra. His tomb is high up, on the 
N.E. of the Qurneh hill ; it was very magnificent, 
but the painted facing of the walls is almost entirely 
destroyed. A staff bearing his name is in the hands 
of a dealer at Luxor. A clear white glass bead of 
Senmut was found at Deir el Bahri (1894) ; and another 
bead of Hatshepsut appears to bear his name (W.M.C. 
ii. 141). 

A curious point is the religious adoration of Hathor, 
developed as a familiarity and petting of the sacred 
kine. On the scenes of Deir el Bahri, Tahutmes II. is 
being licked by the sacred cow (D.H. ii. 32) ; and Haf^ 
shepsut had favourite cows, as one of them is named 
on Senmut's stele as "her great favourite, the red." 
The line of kine down the side of Senmut's stele all 
have their names, and were probably pet animals of the 
queen in the sacred cattle farm. 

Another keeper of the palace, who took the queen's 
diadem title as his own name, Uazifrenpitu, is re- 
corded on a rock tablet north of Aswan, below the 
joint cartouches of Ra'maat'ka and Ra*men*kheper 
(M.I. i. 207, 10). 

Of minor monuments there are several. A stele in 
the Louvre is dedicated by Hatshepsut to Tahutmes I., 
and he is represented seated receiving offerings (L.A. 

B.C. 1516^-1481.] 


xi.). Another stele in the Vatican shows Hatshepsut 
offering to Amen, with Tahutmes III. standing behind 
her (C.N. ii. 700-1). And a small stele shows the 
queen suckled by the Hathor cow, as figured at Deir 
el Bahri (Grant Coll.). 

Several statues of the queen are known. The temple 
at Deir el Bahri had an avenue of sphinxes, all portraits 
of the queen. Two of these heads are preserved at 


[DYN. xvm 5. 

Berlin ; also the head of a statue, and a headless statue 
of the queen (all L.D. iii. 25). Two other statues are 
in Leyden (A.Z. xiii. 45). An ushabti of fine work is at 
the Hague (S.B.A. vii. 183). A box with the cartouches 
of the queen was found in the royal deposit of mummies 
at Deir el Bahri ; but as the name of Amen had been 
erased from it, it must have been accessible during* the 
time of Akhenaten, and was not therefore in the tomb 
of the queen. The liver which was found in it has been 
consequently supposed to be that of the later queen 

FIG. 46. Chair of Hatshepsut. Biban el Meluk. 

Ra*maat*ka of the XXIst dynasty ; though it would be 
a happy chance if this box had been available some 
centuries after it was made, so as to be used for a 
queen of the same name (Ms. M. 584). 

An important discovery of objects of Hatshepsut 
was made a few years ago in the royal tombs (Rec. x. 
126). As I believe the circumstances have not been 
published, I will recount what I have heard from my 
late friend, Greville Chester, who bought the objects 
for Mr. Haworth, by whom they were presented to the 


British Museum. Mr. Chester was informed by the 
Arabs that a group of objects, comprising a throne, a 
draughtboard, many draughtmen, and a piece of a 
wooden cartouche, were all found hidden away in one 
of the side chambers of the tomb of Ramessu IX., 
under the loos^e stones which encumber the place. 
This spot was pointed out to Mr. Chester by the Arab 
dealer who went with him. The place we cannot 
corroborate, beyond seeing that it is just at the mouth 
of that side valley which runs up closest to the cliff 
behind the temple of Hatshepsut, and which is there- 
fore the most likely to contain her tomb. The objects 
being thus hidden, it would imply that when her tomb 
had been anciently plundered, the thieves had carried 
out of it everything portable, in order to be able to 
remove the objects at leisure, after attention had been 
called to their attack on the queen's tomb ; hence they 
had buried the articles of lesser value in the already 
open tomb of Ramessu IX., at the mouth of the valley, 
until they might find it convenient to remove them. 
The collocation of the objects shows strongly that they 
really belonged together. The portion of wooden 
cartouche was not easily readable, except to anyone 
who knew the signs by heart ; nor did the seller at all 
profess to read it, hence there was no attempt to 
connect the find with this queen. But the wooden 
draughtmen are all in form of lions' heads, of just the 
type of a fine one of jasper, which bears the name of 
the queen on the head and the collar (Ms. G. 2965). 
This latter in the Ghizeh Museum cannot have served 
as a model to later fabricators, as to say nothing of 
the difficulty of copying an object in the museum they 
would have certainly copied the cartouche to enhance 
the value, if they copied at all. Hence the Museum 
specimen authenticates and dates the similar heads 
found elsewhere ; and it is important to note this, 
because in the passion of incredulity doubt has been 
thrown on the authenticity of these lion-head draught- 
men. They are then clearly linked with the same 
queen who is named on the fragment of cartouche 



[DYN. xvui. 5* 

found with them. The draughtboard is also probably 
connected with the pieces for playing. Hence, so far 
as we can test it, there is good evidence for the truth 
of the story ; and the style of the throne of rare 
woods, inlaid elaborately with electrum (the serpent 
being of the same wood as the cartouche), and its 
slender and beautiful form is quite consistent with the 
taste of the early XVIIIth dynasty. So far, then, as 
any account can be tested, under the system of secrecy 
and mystification enforced by an arbitrary and injurious 
law, there seems no reason to doubt the account which 
has been given. 

A glazed draughtboard and a plaque with the 
queen's name are in the Louvre. Alabaster vases 
were found at Abydos, containing black and yellow 
resin (G. Mus. ; M.A. 1467-8). Several rude small 
alabaster vases with the name were evidently found 
along with the models of tools, which belong to some 
extensive foundation deposit, probably from Deir el 
Bahri ; these objects are scattered in the museums 
of Paris, Florence, Turin, Leyden, and Ghizeh. 
Another complete series of such models from a 
foundation deposit have lately been found at Deir 

el Bahri, in a pit in the 
rock, by M. Naville. Bricks 
stamped by Hatshepsut are* 
found at Qurneh ; some 
with the added name of the 
deceased Tahutmes I., pro- 
bably made just after his 
death (L.D. iii. 25 bis y 26). 
Many scarabs and plaques 
of the queen are known ; 
some have the ka name, 
and the vulture and uraeus 
name. But the most inter- 
esting class are the restored 
scarabs of earlier kings. Scarabs -bear double car- 
touches of Usertesen III. and Tahutmes III., of Sebek- 
hotep III. and Tahutmes III., and of Amenhotep I, and 

FIG. 47. Scarab of Hatshepsut, 
with name of Usertesen III. 

B.C. I 5 i6-i 4 8r.] HAT-SHEPSUT 95 

Tahutmes III.; others read doubly Ra [ ^^ j ka, 

Usertesen II. and Hatshepsut ; others have these two 
names both complete ; and other scarabs of Men'ka'ra, 
Neferka'ra, Amenemhat II., Usertesen III., and 
Amenhotep I. are identical in type and workmanship 
with the scarabs of Hatshepsut and her brother. 

The children of Hatshepsut we have already noticed 
in her husband's reign. 

Some private remains of this reign may be noted. 
An ostrakon, written on a limestone flake, records 
Sat'ra, surnamed An, the chief nurse of the queen, who 
prays a suten du hotep to Hatshepsut as a divinity 
(S.B.A. ix. 183). A statue of Anebi (B. Mus.) praises 
the queen and Tahutmes III. (L.A. xi.). The tomb of 
Duaheh, No. 22 at Qurneh, mentions the queen 
(C.N. 515-6). Tahuti adores Hatshepsut and the gods 
of Thebes on a statuette of his (E. Coll.). 

On noticing- the details of the family history, we 
now see how the position of Hatshepsut, which has 
caused so much speculation, was a very natural one to 
occur, and does not imply any particular bad faith on 
any side. Her father died before he had a son old 
enough to properly succeed him on the throne ; and 
about five or six months before his death (probably in 
failing health), he associated his daughter with him, as 
she was the heiress of the kingdom in the female line, 
in which royal descent (like that of private families) 
was specially traced. She was then about 24 years of 
age, of great capacity and power. Two or three 
months later, he married to her his eldest son, Tahut- 
mes II., who would otherwise have had no claim to 
the throne, being the son of Mut'nefert, and not of a 
royal princess. Ten weeks later he died. Tahutmes 
II. showed no ability, and seems to have been a weak- 
ling: he did not go on the campaign when he was 
about 1 8 years old ; he never entered on any other war, 
nor undertook any important work. During his life 
his sister appears to have ordered and organised public 
business, and he died about 30. Thus Hatshepsut was 

96 MAAT-KA-RA pw*. xvi". s-1 

left the sole legitimate ruler at about 37 years of age ; 
the only person who could challenge her power being 
her little nephew, Tahutmes III., then perhaps 9 years 
old. He had no claim to the throne, being the son of 
a woman, Aset, not of royal blood. But his aunt did 
all she reasonably could : she associated him with her 
in the kingdom, public dating of documents was 
carried on in his name ; and though her eldest 
daughter, that beautiful and most brilliant girl, 
Nefenrra, had died, she married the second to 
him as soon as might be, and so gave him the 
position of heir. To throw up the power which she 
had more or less wielded for so long, to turn the 
affairs of state over from an experienced and large- 
minded ruler of mature age at 37 to a boy of 9, 
was not to be thought of for a moment. She did 
all that was reasonable ; and if she held on firmly till 
her death to the power which was unquestionably her 
right, she only did as any other capable ruler would 
have done. No doubt it was galling to a very active 
and ambitious young man to be held down to peaceful 
pomp and routine ; no doubt the etiquette of the court 
did not become less precise when, in old age, the queen 
held tenaciously to her rights ; and no doubt, when 
Tahutmes found life passing, and himself entering the 
thirties without being allowed free scope, he may wjsll 
have chafed and become very sore at everything belong- 
ing to the old lady. But all things come to him who 
waits. Egypt developed greatly during twenty years of 
peace and commerce, and resources were husbanded; 
so that, when, at the queen's death at about 59, 
Tahutmes then about 31 succeeded to the full 
power, he found a grand instrument in his hands, 
and was able in a few weeks' time to launch out into 
that mighty series of campaigns which mark the 
highest extent of Egyptian power, and which gloriously 
occupied twenty-eight years of overflowing energy. 


XVIII. 6. ( 




r"" 1 "! 




Coffin and mummy (Ms. M. 547). 

Sarbut eH 

Stele, 23rd year 

(L.D. Hi. 29 a). 

Khadem J 

Stele, 27111 year 
Jamb of doorway 

T photograph). 
( ) 

Glazed vase bits 


Wady Maghara 
Kom el Hisn 

Foundation deposit 

(My. E. 344). 
(F.P. Coll.). 


Gate jambs 

(B.R. ix. 2 3 a-b). 

,, ,, (Cairo) 

(D.E. v. 24, i). 

Stele, 47th year (Berl.) 

(L.D. iii. 29 b). 

Obelisk (Lateran) 

(G.O., R.P. iv. n). 

,, (Constantinople) 

(L.D. iii. 60). 

,, (New York) 

(G.O., R.P. x. 21), 

,, (London) 



Inscription, Amenemhat 

(L.D. iii. 29 e). 


Temple of Ptah 

(Sakhara inscr. 

B.H. 403). 



(P.K. 32, xxii.). 

Speos Artemidos 

Rock shrine 

(L.D. iii. 26, 7). 

El Bersheh 


(S.I. ii. 37). 



(L.D. iii. 29 d). 



(My. E. 421). 


Osiris statue 

(M.A.; I.). 


Two statues of king 1 

(M.A. 348, 9). 


Founding of temple 

(A.Z. iii. 91). 



(My. E. 326). 


Town and temple, etc. 


E. hall of pillars. 

Surrounding courts of temple. 

Hinder sanctuary. 

South pylon VII. 

Temple of Ptah. 

Temple of Mut begun ? 

Medinet Habu 


(L.D. iii. 7, 17,27-8, 


N. of Ramesseum 


II 7 



[DYN. xvm. 6. 

Deir el Bahri 

Completion of Temple. 

(L.D. iii. 60). 



(W.G. 362). 


Stele mentioned 

(L.D. iv. 78 a). 


Temple architecture 

(C.N. 266). 

> j 

Two temples, fragments. 


Late inscription on building 1 (A.Z. ix. 97). 

Kom Ombo 

Pylon (now lost) 

(L. D. iii. 28, i ; 

R.R. 28). 


Temple (destroyed) 
Block at station 

(A.Z. xxi. 78). 
(D.E.i. 34-8). 
(Rec. ix. 81). 

Obelisk (Sion Ho.) 

(Birch, Hist. 102). 



(Rec. xiii. 203; M.I. 

i. 101, 207). 


Granite statue and block 

(B.E. 307). 



(My. E. 538). 



(S.N. 136). 


Stone and foundation 

(L.L. 124). 


Gate and lintel 

(L.D. iii. 45). 
(L.D. iii. 65 b, c). 



(L.D. iii. 45 d, f, 

46 a). 


Stele, 42nd year 

(L.D. iii. 45 e). 


Two rock shrines 

(C.N. 79-84). 

Wady Haifa 

S. brick temple 

(B.E. 341). 



(L.D. iii. 47~5 6 )- 



(L.D. iii. 57-59 a, 

64 b). 

Sai (20 42' N.) 


(L.D. iii. 59 b, c). 


) Rock shrine 

(L.D. Hi. 59 d, e). 


Temple begun. 

Bahriyeh Oasis 


(B.E. 348). 

Statues and portraits 

Seated limestone colossus, base of throne, 


Head of colossus, granite, B. Mus. 
Standing, red granite, Karnak 
Seated, black granite, Karnak 
Seated, black and white diorite, T. Mus. 
Seated, grey granite, Nubia, F. Mus. 
Torso Abydos 

Throne Abydos 

Seated, black granite, Alexandria. 
Torso, behind temple, Karnak 
Torso in small temple of Apet, Karnak 
Fragments Luxor 

Bust, red granite, Karnak 

(M.K. 38 d). 

(V.G. 214). 
(L.T. 1376). 
(S. Cat. F. 1503). 
(M.A. 348). 
(M.A. ii. 21 e, f). 

(W.G. 358). 
(B.E. 150). 
(W.G. 358). 
(V.G. 192). 

B.C. J503-I4490 



Bronze statue, Marseille. 

Statues mentioned by Tahutmes IV. 

(M.K. 33). 

,, ,, Neb'ua'iu 

(M.A. ii. 33). 

Sphinxes, red granite, Karnak 

(V.G. 221-2, M.K. 

32 b). 

Figure on wooden canon board, B. Mus. 

(A.B. 33, 148). 

Trial piece T. Mus. 

(L.D. iii. 304). 

Stele, with Min T. Mus. 

(L.T. 1460). 

,, in temple, Uazmes G. Mus. 

(M.E. ii.). 

Altar, red granite, high B. Mus. 

(A.B. 34). 

,, another still at Karnak 

(W.G. 366). 

, , , , Vatican 

(Vat. Cat. p. 215). 

,, dedicated to Amen Salonika 

(A.Z. vi. 79). 

,, red granite 

(M.K. 32 b; V.G. 


,, alabaster 

(M.B. 98). 

Alabaster vase of 9 bins T. Mus. 

(L.T. 3224). 

T. Mus. 

(Rec. iv. 137). 

, of 21 bins B. Mus. 

(V.G. 446). 

, 2 G. Mus. 

(V.G. 702). 

, 3 Berlin 

(W.G. 367). 

, P. Mus. Leyden, B. Mus. 

(C.M. 425, R.C. 

62, 6). 

Glass vases { B ' Mus ' 

(Ms. A. fig. 220). 
(C.M. 425). 

Ivory tablets Marseille. 

Wooden labels of princesses 

(A.Z. xxi. 123). 

Feather of Amen T. Mus. 

(W.G. 368). 

Fish-shaped cup glazed green G. Mus. 

(Ms. G. 124). 

Scribe's palette Bologna. 

Papyri, T. Mus. 

(i, 83 B). 

,, Berlin 

(L.D. vi. 117 b, c). 

,, Munich 

(W.G. 368). 

Rings and scarabs, innumerable. 

Gold ring (Ashburnham) 

(R. Soc. Lit. 1843, 


Sphinx, Baracco Coll. 
Temple, Medinet Habu 

Tombs \ 

Scarabs, P. Mus., T. Mus. 

(A.Z. xx. 118). 
(L.D. iii. 38 a, b; 

C.M. 195, 3). 
(L.D. iii. 62 a). 
(L.D. iii. 63 a, 64 a). 
(C.M. 160). 
(M.A. ii. 40 n). 
(Rec.ix,97; B.R.P. 



[DYN. XVIII. 6. 

(B.R.P. xii.). 
(A.Z. xxi. 124). 

Son Amenhotep II. (L.D. Hi. 62,64). 

Daughters (?) Taui .... 



Pet'pui Ta'khet'aui 






In dealing with this reign, which is the fullest in the 
history of Egypt, it may be best to examine it in the 
following order 

(ist) Outline of the dated events and monuments; 

(2nd) Translation of the annals. 

(3rd) The greater monuments. 

(4th) The lesser monuments. 


The private monuments. 

The royal family. 

The influence of Syria on Egypt. 

The details of the geography 
appear at the end of the volume. 

of the campaigns 


Born at Thebes (see gold ring, 
P.P. Coll.). 

ist year, Pakhons 4. Corona- 
tion, at about 9 years old. 

2nd year, Paophi 7. This earliest 
dating is that of a grand list of 
gifts to the temple of Semneh, 
which had been in progress under 
the father and brother of this king. 

5th year, Thoth i. A papyrus at 
Turin is dated thus, concerning a 
scribe User'amen going to offer in 
the temple of Amen (Pap. T. i). 

1 5th year, Pakhons 27 is named 
as the day of a great festival of renewing the offerings 
in the temple at Karnak (M.K. 15). 

FIG. 48. Gold ring of 
Tahutraes III. , " born 
at Thebes." Gurob, 
F,P. Coll. 


22nd year. Renewing the statue of Amenhotep I. 
(M.K. 38, c. 2). 

22nd year, Mekhir 4 (about). Death of Hatshepsut ; 
beginning of independent reign of Tahutmes III. 

22nd year, Pharmuthi. The army assembled on the 
frontier at Zalu, for the first campaign. The chiefs in 
southern Syria had rebelled some time before. 

23rd year, Pakhons 4, on his coronation day, 
Tahutmes found himself in Gaza ; having marched in 
twelve days about 160 miles, a rapid march for a large 
army wholly untrained in such movements. On the 
next day he left. Ten days later he had marched 90 
miles farther, to Carmel. There he rested for a few 
days, and then he insisted on crossing the mountain by 
a dangerous ravine, in which he acted as guard to 
secure the passage of the army, which defiled through 
safely by i p.m. Resting that afternoon, he then early 
next morning gave battle to the assembled chiefs of 
Syria who were confederated at Megiddo, and utterly 
routed them in the plain of Esdraelon, or Armageddon. 
They fled into the town, round which he at once threw 
a complete circumvallation, only allowing prisoners to 
surrender at one entrance. The whole of the enemy 
capitulated, and enormous spoils were taken from them, 
and from the rest of Syria. A stele was set up this 
year at Wady Haifa recording the victories over the 
Fenekhu, Retennu, and Tahennu (B.E. 341). 

24th year. The second campaign in Syria brought 
in great spoils. On Mekhir 30 was a feast of dedica- 
tion t Karnak (M.K. 12). Mention of the new moon. 

25th year. The third campaign in Syria. Large 
collection of plants brought from land of Retennu, 
and carved on walls at Karnak (M.K. 31). Stele of 
Sarbut el Khadem, copper mining (L.D. iii. 29 a). 

27th year. Stele at Sarbut el Khadem. 

28th year. Tomb of Amenemhat at Qurneh (L.D 
iii. 38 e-g). 

29th year. Fifth campaign to Retennu (Syrian hill- 
country), -Tunep, Arvad, and Zahi ; great spoil from 



[DYN. XVIH 6. 

30th year. Sixth campaign to Kedesh, Simyra, and 

3ist year. Tribute of Retennu, of Punt, and of 

33rd year. Set up tablet at boundaries in Naharina. 
Tribute of Retennu, Sangar, Khita, Punt, and Wawat. 
Tablet at El Bersheh, 2nd Mesore. Sed festival, 28th 

FIG. 49.- Tahutmes III., granite head. Brit. Mus. 

34th year. Campaign, and tribute of Zahi (Phoe- 
nicia), Retennu, Asi (Cyprus). 

35th year. Tenth campaign, to Zahi. Spoils of 

38th year. Thirteenth campaign. Spoils of Anau- 
gasa ; tribute of Asi, Punt, and Wawat. 

39th year. Fourteenth campaign in Syria. 

4oth year (?). Tribute of Asi, Kush, Wawat. 

4 ist year (?). Tribute of Rutennu and Khita. 


42nd year. Campaign to Tunep, Qedesh. Erection 
of long- inscription at Karnak. Erection of statue to 
Tahutmes II. (M.K. 38 b). 

47th year. Stele at Heliopolis. Berlin (L.D. iii. 29 b). 

5oth year. Expedition to Ethiopia. Clearing of 
canal of the cataract (Rec. xiii. 203). 

5ist year, Pauni 5. Stele at Ellesiyeh (Br. H. 395). 

54th year, Phamenoth 30. Tahutmes died at about 
63 years old. Succeeded by his son, Amenhotep II. 


The annals of this king are considerable, and they 
give a most graphic view of the state of Syria, and the 
wealth and luxury of the inhabitants, at this age. 
Every allusion in them is of value; and in the. first 
campaign, which had the delight of new-found power 
about it, the details are very full, and show the character 
of Egyptian warfare. The geography of these cam- 
paigns will be treated afterwards at the end of this 

In the following translation the only restorations 
are such as are necessarily involved by the sense, and 
they are always marked by square parentheses [ ], 
while explanatory additions are in curved parentheses. 
The numbers of the original lines of the text are marked 
for ease of reference to the inscription. 

(L.D. iii. 31 b.) 

( 3 ) " His Majesty ordered to be placed [the victories 
which his father Amen had given to him, upon] ( 4 ) a 
tablet in the temple which His Majesty made for [his 
father Amen, recording] ( 5 ) the expedition by its name, 
together with the spoil [which His Majesty had obtained 
by it in] () every [country] which his father Amen had 
given him. 

The campaign. The 25th day of the month Phar- 
muthi in the 

XXIInd year of his reign, [His Majesty] proceeded from 
the city ( 7 ) ot Zalu in his first campaign of victory . . , 




!fo extend] the ( 8 ) frontiers of Egypt with might . , . 
9 , 10 ) [the land had been in confusion] . . . ( n ) the men 
who were there ( 12 ) in the city of Sharuhen (in Simeon), 
beginning from Yeruza ( 1S ) as far as the ends of the 
country they rebelled against His Majesty. On the 4th 
of Pakhons of the 
XXIIIrd. year, the day of the festival of the royal 

FIG. 50. Map of approach to Megiddo. Yehem, Megiddo, and Taanaka 
are certain. Arareh is probably Aaruna, and Wady Arab the line of 
Tahutmes' approach. Neither Zebdeh nor Zeita appear to agree with 
Zifta, which was probably west of Megiddo. 

coronation ( M ) at Gazatu (Gaza), the city occupied by 
the king. ( 16 ) On the 5th of Pakhons he started 
from this place in triumph [power], ( w ) defence, and 
justification to overthrow the vile enemy, to extend ( 17 ) 
the bounds of Egypt according to the command of his 
father Amen* Ra. 

The passage of CarmeL ( 18 ) On the i6th Pakhons 
of the XXIIIrd year, at the fortress of Yehem (Yemma, 

B.C. 1503-1449- ] ANNALS 


16 m. S.S.W. of Megiddo) r commanded His Majesty 
( 19 ) a discourse with his brave troops, saying 

"That [vile] enemy ( 20 ) of Qadesh has come and 
.entered Maketa (Megiddo) ; he is [there] ( 21 ) at this 
foment, and has collected to himself the chiefs of all 
countries (that were) ( 22 ) obedient to Egypt, with him 
as far as Naharaina, consisting of ... ( 2S ) the Kharu 
(Syrians), the Qedshu, their horses and their army ( 24 ), 
and he says, ' I shall remain [to fight the king of Egypt] 
in Maketa/ Tell ye me . ..." ( 2G ) They said in 
reply to His Majesty, " What is it like [that we] should 
march on this road, ( 27 ) which becomes a narrow pass ? 
[men have come] saying ( 28 ) that the enemy are waiting 
to [attack when there is no] ( 29 ) passage for a numerous 
host; does not one (chariot) horse have to follow 
behind [the fellow, and man behind] ( 30 ) man likewise ? 
ought our vanguard to be engaged while our rearguard 
is waiting ( 32 ) in Aaruna (Ararah? 7 S.W. of Megiddo) 
without fighting. Now there are two roads, ( 33 ) one 
road behold it [will lead] us [to the . . .] ( 34 ) Taanaka 
(Tannuk, 5 S. of Megiddo), the other behold it [leads 
us to] the ( ;i5 ) north side of Zefta, and we should come 
out at the north of Maketa ( 3C ). Let then our mighty 
lord march on one of those [two] ways, [which ever] 
his heart [chooseth], ( 37 ) but let us not go on that 
difficult road." 

Then [went] ( 38 ) the messengers [whom the king 
sent to give his commands] for the disposition of [his 
army]; ( 39 ) they said at the beginning of the speeches : 
" The Majesty of the king saith, ' As I live, ( 40 ) as I am 
the beloved of Ra, praised by my father Amen, as my 
nostrils are refreshed with ( 41 ) life and strength, I will 
go on this road of ( 42 ) Aaruna ; let him of you who will, 
go on ( 43 ) the roads ye name ; and let him of you who 
will, follow my Majesty. ( 44 ) For they namely, the 
enemy, ( 45 ) abominated of Ra consider thus, "Has His 
Majesty gone on ( 46 ) another road ? Then he fears us," 
thus do they consider.* " 

( 4T ) They said to His Majesty, "As lives thy father 
Amen-Ra, lord of the thrones of the two lands, who 

io6 TAHUTIMES III CWN. xvm. 6. 

dwells in Thebes, who has made thee, ( 48 ) behold we ; 
follow thy Majesty whithersoever thy Majesty goes, ( 49 ) 
even as servants follow [their master], " 

( 50 ) Command was given to the whole army to ... 
[follow] ( 51 ) . . . that road which became [narrow. 
His Majesty swore] ( 52 ) an oath, saying, "Not a man 
[shall go forth] ( 53 ) before my Majesty in ... [ 54 ] he 
shall go forth before his own troops causing Ic per- 
ceive . . . ( 55 ) by his paces of marching, horse walking 
after [horse], while [His Majesty protects them] ( 56 ) of 
the best of his army." On the i9th of Pakhons of the 
XXIIIrd year of his reign, watch in ... ( 57 ) at the 
king's pavilion at the fortress of Aaruna. My Majesty 
proceeded ( 58 ) northward with my father Amen'Ra, lord 
of the thrones of the two lands ( 59 ) . . . before me, 
Harakhti [strengthening my arms]. ( 60 ) . . . my 
father Amen, lord of the thrones of the world, vic- 
torious of scimetar, . . . [watching] ( 61 ) over me : 
went forth [the enemy . . . ] ( 62 ) with much music 
. . . ( 63 ) the southern wing from Taanaka . . . ( 64 ) 
the northern wing from the south corner . . . ( 5 ) His 
Majesty cried out at them [and gave battle] ( 66 ) they 
fell, behold that vile . . . (two lines lost) [but some of 
the enemy went toward] 

(L.D. iii. 32.) 

( l ) Aaruna ; [behold] the rearguard of the valiant 
troops of His Majesty . . . [were yet in] ( 2 ) Aaruna ; 
while the van was going forth to the valley . . . 

( 3 ) and occupied the head (or hollow) of that valley, 
and behold they spake before His Majesty, saying, 

( 4 ) " Behold His Majesty has gone out with his valiant 
soldiers, and [they] have occupied the [head (or hollow) 
of] ( :> ) the valley, let our powerful lord listen to us this 
time, ( 6 ) let our lord keep for us the rear of his army 
and the people ; ( 7 ) then when the rear of our army 
comes out to us behind, they will fight ( 8 ) against these 
foreigners, and we need not give thought for the rear 
of ( 9 ) our army." His Majesty halted beyond them 

B.C. 1503-1449-] ANNALS 107 

himself ( 10 ) there guarding the rear of his valiant 
troops ; behold, when the van ( n j had come forth 
on this road the shadow turned, ( 12 ) and when His 
Majesty came to the south of Maketa on the edge of 
the water of Qina, it was the seventh hour of the 
day (?). Then His Majesty's [great] tent was pitched, 
and command was given before his whole army, saying, 
" Prepare ye, make ready your weapons, for we move 
to fight with the vile enemy to-morrow, for the king 
[will remain] ( 13 ) quiet in the tent of the king," the 
baggage of the chiefs was prepared and the provisions 
of the followers, and the sentinels of the army were 
spread abroad; they said, "Firm of heart, firm of 
heart, watchful of head, watchful of head," waking in 
life at the tent of the king. Came one to report to His 
Majesty, the country is safe and the army south and 
north likewise. 

The battle of Megiddo. On the 2ist day of the 
month Pakhons, the day of the feast of the new moon, 
even the same as the royal coronation, early in the 
morning command was given to the entire army to 
spread abroad . . . ( 14 ) His Majesty went forth in 
his chariot of electrum adorned with his weapons of 
war, like Horus armed with talons, the Lord of might, 
like Mentu of Thebes, his father AmeirRa strengthen- 
ing his arms ; the [south] horn of the army of His 
Majesty was ... on a hill at the south [of the water 
of] Qina, the north horn at the north-west of Maketa, 
His Majesty was in the midst of them, the god Amen 
being the protection to his body [and strength] ( 16 ) to his 
limbs. Then His Majesty prevailed over them at the 
head of his army. When they saw His Majesty pre- 
vailing over them, they fled headlong [toward] Maketa, 
as if terrified by spirits ; they left their horses, and 
their chariots of silver and of gold, and were drawn up 
by hauling them by their clothes into this city, for the 
men shut the gates of this city upon them, [and let 
down] ( 1G ) clothes, to haul them up to this city. Then, 
had but the troops of His Majesty not given their hearts 
to spoiling the things of the enemy, [they would have 


taken] Maketa at that moment ; behold the vile 6nemy 
of Qadeshu and the vile enemy of this city were drawn 
up in haste to get them into their city. The fear of 
His Majesty entered ( 17 ) [their hearts], their arms failed ; 
. . . his diadem prevailed over them. Their horses 
and their chariots of gold and of silver were captured, 
being [taken] suddenly . . . their mighty men lay along 
like fishes on the ground. The great army of His Majesty 
drew round to count their spoil. Behold the tent [of 
the wretchled [enemy] was captured, [in] which [was his] 
son . . . f 18 ) The whole army rejoiced, giving praise 
to Amen [for the victory] that he had given to his son, 
[and they glorified] His Majesty, exalting his victories. 
They brought the spoil which they had taken, of hands 
(of the slain), of living captives, of horses, of chariots 
of gold and of silver . . . 

The siege of Megiddo. ( 10 ) [And His Majesty gave] 
commands to his troops, saying, "If ye seize Maketa 
afterward (?), [I vow great offerings to] Ra this day, 
inasmuch as every chief of all the countries [who have] 
rebelled are in it, so that it is as the capture of a 
thousand cities this capture of Maketa ; seize ye utterly 
entirely at [this mome]nt [on Maketa ( 20 ) . . . officers 
of the troops, to each one was appointed his place, 
they measured the city ... a rampart formed with 
the green wood of all their pleasant trees. His Majesty - 
himself was at the eastern tower of this city, [and he 
commanded ( 21 ) to surround it] with a thick wall . . . 
the thick wall [was built], and it was named Men* 
kheperTa*aah'setu(Tahutmes III., encloser of the Sati); 
and men were set to watch over the tent of His Majesty, 
and they said, " Steady, steady, watch, watch, . . ." 
His Majesty [then gave orders that ( 22 ) not one] of 
them [shall go] outside from behind this wall excepting 
to come forth to knock at the doors of their gate (none 
should escape except those who delivered themselves 
up as prisoners at the entrance). Now, all that His 
Majesty did against this city, and against the vile 
enemy and his vile troops, was written from day to day 
under its date, under the title of " Travels . * . ( 23 ) 



[and] placed on a roll of leather in the temple of Amen 
on this day. 

The capitulation of Megiddo. Then the chiefs of 
this land came, with them 
that pertained to them, 
to smell the ground to 
the spirits of His Majesty, 
asking breath for theif 
nostrils of the greatness 
of his power and the 
mightiness of the spirits 
of His Majesty ( 24 ) . . . 
came to his spirits having 
their tribute of silver, of 
gold, of lazuli and mala- 
chite ; bringing corn, wine, 
oil, and flocks, for the 
army of His Majesty ; and 
sent the foreign workmen 
who were among them 

FIG. 51. Chiefs ''smelling the 

with the tribute southwards (see chief of Tunep and 

FIG. 52. Chief of Tunep, followed by his artist (se'ankk, 
1 ' he who makes alive ") bearjng a trophy of gold work.' 
The chief of Kedesh with a vase and a dagger. 

his artist). His Majesty appointed chiefs anew (to rule 
the land). 

The spoils. [And this is the account ( 2& ) of the spoil 

I io TAHUTIMES III [DYN. xvm. 6. 

taken in the field, even] living 1 captives 340, hands 
(of slain) 83, mares 2041, fillies 191, abor, 6 ... 
one chariot worked with gold, with a pole (?) of gold of 

FIG. 53. Syrian chariot. 

that enemy, a good chariot plated with gold of the 
chief of . . . [and 30 chariots of other princes?], ( 2G ) 
892 chariots of his vile army, total, 924. One excellent 
suit of bronze armour of that enemy, a bronze suit of 
armour of the chief of Maketa, 200 suits of armour of 
his vile army, 502 bows, 7 poles of the pavilion of that 
enemy of meru-wood plated with silver. Behold the 
army . . . [took]( 27 ) . . . 297, bulls 1929, small 
goats 2000, white flocks (sheep) 20,500. 

The plunder and tribute of Syria. The amount of 
things taken afterwards by the king from the things of 
tjfte house of that enemy, which was in Yenuamu, in 
Anaugasa, and in Harnekaru, with all the things of the 
cities and the fortresses which gave themselves up to 
his rule and brought . , . ( 28 ) . . . Meruina belonging 
to them, 39 ; sons of that enemy and of the chiefs with 
him, 87 ; meruina belonging to them, 5 ; slaves, male 
and female, with their children, 1796; rion-combatants 
who came all of starvation from that enemy, 103 
persons : total 2503. Beside, there was of precious 

B.C. IS03-I449-] 


wares, gold, dishes, various vessels, ( 29 ) ... a two- 
handled vase of the work of the Kharu . . . dishes, 

FiG. 54. Syrian captives 
with vases. 

FIG. 55. Syrian dishes. 

caldrons, and various vases for drinking, great jars, 97 
knives : making altogether 1784 deben (360 Ibs.). Gold 
in rings, found in the hands of the workmen, and silver 
in various rings, 966 deben i qedt (200 Ibs.). A silver 
statue made . . . ( 30 ) the head of gold, the staff with 
human heads of ivory, ebony, and kharub wood inlaid 

FIG. 56. Staff 
with human 

FIG. 57. Chair. 


I I 

FIG. 58. Inlaid table. 

with gold ; chairs of that enemy, 6 ; footstools belong- 
ing to them, 6 ; 6 large tables of ivory and kharub 
wood, inlaid with gold and all precious stones ; a staff 
used as the sceptre of that chief, inlaid with gold 

112 TAHUTIMES III DYN. xvm. & 

throughout . . . statues ( 31 ) Of the fallen chief, of ebony 
inlaid with gold ; . . . vessels of bronze ; various 
clothing of the enemy. When the land was divided 
into fields and calculated by the inspector of the king's 
house, in order to take their harvest, the amount of the 
harvest brought to His Majesty from the fields of 
Maketa (the plain of Esdraelon) was 280,500 quadruple 
heqt of corn (150,000 bushels, about 10 square miles of 
corn land), ( 32 ) beside what was cut as taken by His 
Majesty's soldiers. 

Annual tributes. The tribute of the chiefs of the 
Ruten in the 

XXIVth year, tribute of the chief of Assuru, one 
great stone of real lazuli weighing 20 deben 9 
qedt (4^ Ibs.), two stones of real lazuli and small 
stones making 30 deben ; total, 50 deben 9 qedt 
(ioj Ibs.) of good lazuli of Bebra. Three hertet 
(agate ?) vases of Assuru of [various] colours . . . ( 3S ) 
very many. The tribute of the chiefs of the Retennu, 
the daughter of a chief, ornaments of silver, gold, 
lazuli, of the foreigners, ... 30 ; the slaves, male and 
female, of his tribute, 65 ; 30 [meruina] belonging [to 
them] ; 4 chariots wrought with gold, the poles of 
gold ; 5 chariots wrought with electrum, the poles of 
aget) total 10. Tepau and undu oxen 55, bulls 749, 
small cattle 5703. Gold dishes . . . ( 34 ) which could 
not be measured, silver dishes and pieces, 104 d. 5 q. 
(21 Ibs.) ; a gold maqersina inlaid with lazuli ; 

FIG. 59. Golden dish from FIG. 60. Jar of 

Syria. wine or honey. 

bronze armour inlaid with gold k . . many suits of 
armour, ( 35 ) 823 jars of incense, 1718 jars of wine anfl 
honey . . ivory an<jl kharub-wood, mem-wood, 



pesqu-wood, . . . various of this country . . . ( 36 ) to 
every place which His Majesty visited and where his 
tent was set up. 

(L.A. xii, ; Rev. Arch. 1860, PL xvi.) 

( J ) XXIXth year ; behold His Majesty was in the land 
[of Rutennu] to chastise the revolted countries in his 
Vth campaign of victory. The king took the city of 
Ua . . . the army congratulated the king, and gave 
thanks ( 2 ) to Amen'Ra for the victories which he had 
given to his son, which the king valued above all 
else. After this His Majesty proceeded to the store* 
house of offerings, he offered a sacrifice to Amen, to 
Horakhti, of oxen, bullocks, fowls, . . . Men'kheperra, 
giving life for ever. Reckoning of the spoil taken from 
this city :< 

Spoil of Ua . . . From the officers (?) ( a ) of the 
fallen of Tunep, the prince of this 
city, i, warriors 329, silver 100 deben 
(20 Ibs.), gold 100 deben ; lazuli, 
malachite, vases of bronze and of 
copper ; behold they seized a ship 
. . . laden with all things, male 
and female slaves, copper, lead, 
emery, ( 4 ) and all sorts of good 

Then His Majesty proceeded south 
to Egypt . . . delighted in heart. 
He smote the city of Aruta (Arvad) 
with its corn, and cut down all its pleasant trees. 
Behold [His Majesty] found [the land of] Zahi through- 
out, its orchards full of their fruit. There were 
found ( 5 ) their wines abundant in their wine-presses, as 
water flows down ; their corn was on the threshing 
floors . . . more abundant than the sand of the shores. 
The army was satiated with their shares. The 
reckoning of the spoil brought to His Majesty in this 
expedition : 

Spoil of Phoenicia. Male and female slaves 51, 
ii 8 

FIG. 61. Copper vase 
from Syria. 



horses 40, silver cups 10, ( 6 ) incense of honey men 
vases 470, wine men vases 6428 ; copper, lead, 

lazuli, green felspar; oxen 
6 1 8, goats 3636 ; good 
bread, and various bread, 
corn in grain, flour, . . . 
and all good fruits of the 
land. Then the soldiers 
of His Majesty were 
drunk and anointed with 
**? ^ ^very day, ( 7 ) as in 
the festivals in Egypt. 

FIG. 62.-Cups from Syria. 

XXXth year. Then His Majesty was in the land of 
the Rutennu in his Vlth campaign of victory. He 
drew near to the city of Qedeshu ; His Majesty spoiled 

it, and cut down the trees 
and reaped its corn. He 
went to the land of ... 
tu, he came to the town 
of Zamara, and came to the 
town of Arathetu (Arvad), 
and treated them in like 
FIG. 63. Scarab of Tahutmes III. manner. The amount of 
-Overthrowing Kedesh." F.P. the Chutes brought to the 

spirits of His Majesty in 

that year, by the princes of Retennu : "~ 

Tribute of Retennu. The sons of the princes and 
their brothers were brought to be placed as hostages in 
Egypt. If any one of the chiefs died, His Majesty 
would make his son go to stand in his place. The 
number of the sons of princes brought this year was 
. . . persons; male and female slaves 181, mares 
1 88, chariots ( 9 ) adorned with gold and silver and 
painted, 40. 

XXXIst year, Pakhons, 3rd day ; assembly of the 
spoil made by His Majesty in this year, and the spoil- 
brought from the city Anrathu, which is on the bank 
of the water Neserna : men taken alive, 490 . . . 
of the sons of the wretched chief of ... 3 ; chief over 
the women who were there, I. Total, 494 persons, 

B.C. 1503-14490 ANNALS . 115 

mares 26, chariots 13, their equipment ( 10 ) with all 
weapons. Behold His Majesty spoiled this town 
in a short hour, with swiftness of spoiling. The 
tribute of the princes of Retennu, who came to pro- 
strate themselves before the spirits of His Majesty in 
this year : 

Tribute of Retennu. Male and female slaves . . . 
of this country 72, silver 761 deben 2 qedt (150 Ibs.), 
19 chariots adorned with silver ( u ) and provided with 
their weapons. Bulls and . . . 104, bullocks and 
oxen 172 ; total, 276. Goats 4622. Native copper, 
blocks 40 ; lead . . . gold, copper earrings engraved 
with horses (?) 42 ; also all their products ( 12 ) and all 
the good woods of this country. Every station which 
His Majesty came was supplied with good bread and 
common bread, with oil, incense, wine, honey, fruits, 
more abundant than anything known to the soldiers of 
His Majesty, without exaggeration. ( 13 ) They are placed 
on the roll of the royal palace ; so that their reckoning 
is not given on this tablet, in order to avoid a 
multiplication of words. . . . 

. . . The harvest of Rutennu was reported, consisting 
of various corn, ( 14 ) wheat in grain, barley, incense, 
fresh oil, wine, fruit, all the good things of a foreign 
country. They were demanded for the treasury as is 
reckoned the tribute . . . various, 33, alabaster, all 
the gems of that country, and various stones in great 
numbers ( 15 ) of ... and all the good things of that 

His Majesty approached the Delta, and the ambas- 
sador of Genbetu (Punt) came, having their tribute of 
frankincense and gums . . . male negroes for ser- 
vants 10, bulls and ( 1G ) bullocks 113, bulls 230; 
total, 343 ; beside boats with ivory, ebony, panthers' 
skins, and the products of [that land. . . . The tribute 
of Wawat] was ... of Wawat. 5 ; bullocks 31, 
bulls 6 1 ; total, 92. ( 17 ) Beside the boats laden with 
all the things of that country, the harvest of Wawat 
XXXIIIrd year, when His Majesty was in the land of 

1 16 TAHUTIMES III CDYN. xvm. 6. 

Retennu . . . [he] approached . . . east of that river, 
he placed another (tablet) where was the tablet of his 
father, ( 18 ) the king- of Upper and Lower Egypt, 
Aa'kheper*ka*ra. His Majesty went north, taking the 
towns and overturning the camps of that enemy of the 
vile Naharina in ... [he pursued] after them for the 
distance of an atur without anyone daring to look 
behind ( l9 ) him, but they bounded along like a herd of 
gazelles. The horses ... by the whole army. 
Their princes 3, ( 20 ) their women 30, men taken 
prisoners 80, male and female slaves and their chil- 
dren 606 ; those who surrendered women . . ; he 
carried off their grain. 

His Majesty then came to the city of ( 21 ) Niy in going 
south, when His Majesty was returning and had set up 
his tablet in Naharina, he enlarging the boundaries of 
Egypt. . . . The tribute brought by princes of that 
country : 

Tribute of Naharina, ( 22 ) Male and female slaves 
513, mares 260, gold 45 deben 9 qedt, silver vases of 
the work of Zahi . . . chariots with all their equipage, 
bulls ( 23 ) calves 28, bulls 564, goats 
5323, incense jars 828, sweet beg 
oil ... all the delicious produce of 
that country and all its many fruits. 
Behold ( 24 ) the forts were provisitmed 
with all sorts of things according to 
the rate of the yearly tax. The 
tribute of the land of Remenen was 
also according to the rate of the 
yearly tax, and the princes of the 

F,G.6 4 .-Silvervase land f Remenen . . birds 2; and 
from Syria. ne does not reckon the wild fowl 

( 25 ) of that country. Behold they 
were for the . . , 

The tribute of the prince of Sangar, real lazuli ... 4 
deben, artificial lazuli 24 deben^ lazuli of Bebra . . . 
of real lazuli, a head of a ram of real lazuli, ( 2G ) 15 
rfeberiy and vases. 

The tribute of the great Khita in this year was, silver. 

D.C. XS03-X449-] 



rings 8, weighing 301 deben (60 Ibs.), white precious 
stones i great block, zagu wood 
. . . [when returning] toward Egypt, 
when coming from Naharina in 
enlarging the frontier of Egypt. 

The treasures brought by His 
Majesty in that year from the land of 
Punt were dry frankincense, 1685 
heqs (920 bushels) . . . gold 155 deben 2 qedt (31 
Ibs.), male and female slaves 134, "bull ( 28 ) calves 114, 
bulls 305 ; total oxen, 419 ; beside transports laden 
with ivory, ebony, panther skins, and all the good 

FIG. 65. Silver rings 
from Syria. 

FIG. 66. Tribute from Punt : ivory, panthers' skins, ostrich eggs and 
feathers, bags of gold dust, incense, etc. 

-things of that land. . . . [The tribute of Wawat, 
male and female slaves 8], male negroes 12 ; total, 
20: bull calves 54, ( 2 ) bulls 60; total, 114: beside 
boats laden with all the good products of that country, 
and the harvest likewise. 

XXXIVth year, behold His Majesty was in the land of 
Zahi , . . the whole of that land surrendered. . . . 
The list ( 30 ) of the places taken in that year : cities, 3 ; a 
city surrendered in the territory of Anaugasa ; total, 
4. Captives brought by His Majesty ... taken 
prisoners, 90 ; surrendered with their wives ( 31 ) and 
their children . . . mares, 40; 15 chariots adorned 

i 18 TAHUTIMES III CWM. xvui. 6 

with gold and silver, gold vases and gold in rings, 50 
deben 8 qedt ; silver vases of that 
country, and rings, 153 deben ; 
bronze . . . bull calves 326, white 
goats 40, kids 50, asses 70, a great 
quantity of sagu wood, ( 32 ) black 
wood, kharub wood, chairs with 
their . . . ; 6 poles for a tent 
adorned with bronze, as if inlaid 

' VaSe with precious stones ; and all the 

good wood of that land. 

The tribute of the princes of the land of Retennu in 
that year was, horses . . . chariots adorned in gold, 
silver, and colours, 3[4J ; male and female slaves, 70(4] ; 
gold 55 deben 8 qedt, silver vases various ( 33 ) of 
the work of that land . . . men stone, all kinds of 
gems, vases, native copper blocks 80 ; lead, blocks 
ii ; colours, deben 100 ; dry incense, felspar, alabaster 
. . . ; bull calves 13, bulls 530, asses 84 ; bronze, 
much wood, and many copper vases ; incense jars 
69 [5] ; ( 34 ) sweet beq oil and green beq oil, 2080 jars ; 
wine, 608 jars ; sagu wood chariots, and acacia wood, 
. . . and all the good wood of that land. Each of the 
stations of His Majesty was provided with all kinds of 
good things for His Majesty to receive ... of the land 
of' Zahi, with cedar ; the Kefti boats, and the KajDni 
boats, and the Sektu boats, of their woods and masts, 
( 35 ) great beams for the [palace] of His Majesty. 

Tribute of the chiefs of the land of Asi in that year : 
blocks of copper 108, setf-copper 240 deben, lead 5 
blocks, ingots of lead 1200, lazuli no defyen, ivory 
tusks . . . wood chairs 2. 

The tribute of the wretched Kush : gold 300 deben ; 
daughter of the chief of Arem ; slaves, male and 
female, ( 30 ) total, 64; [105! bulls, calves 170; total, 
2 75 > beside boats laden with ivory and ebony, and all 
the products of that land. The harvest of the wretched 
Kush HJce.wise. 

The tribute of Wawat was : gold 274 deben ; negroes, 
male and female, 10 ; bull calves . , . all the good 

8,0 is<>3- 1 449-] ANNALS 119 

things of the country. The harvest of Wawat like- 

XXXVth year. His Majesty was in the land of Zahi 
in his Xth campaign. His Majesty approached the 
city of Aroana for behold the miserable chief of 
Naharina had assembled his cavalry and men . . . ( 38 ) 
of the ends of the land, they were many . . . and they 
made war on His Majesty. His Majesty met with 
them. The soldiers of His Majesty made a time of 
attacking them, seizing and spoiling. His Majesty 
prevailed over these foreigners by the spirits of his 
father Amen . . . ( 89 ) of Naharina. They turned and 
fell down . . . one upon another before His Majesty. 
The number of things taken by the king himself of 
these foreigners of Naharina . . . ( 40 ) Suits of armour 
2, bronze . . . deben. The number 
of things taken by the soldiers of His 
Majesty from these foreigners : live 
prisoners 10, mares 180, chariots 60, 
. . . ( 41 ) . . . bronze armour, bronze 
... for the head 5, bows of Khalu 
5. The captures made in ... ( 42 ) FIG. 68.--Bows from 
. . . 226, chariot inlaid with gold yna * 

i, chariots inlaid with gold and silver 20 ... ( 4S ) beq 
oil jars 953 . . . 

(L.D. iif. 31 A ; L.A. xii. 42-44). 

( 2 ) earrings (?), bracelets (?), abhat stone, stibium, 
. . . antelopes (?), wood for burning. 

The work of the vile Kush, 70 deben i qedt of gold, 
. . . male and female slaves, . . . oxen, boats laden 
with ivory and ebony, and all the good things of that 
land ; with the harvest of Kush in that year ... 34 
negro slaves male and female, 94 bulls and steers, 
beside boats laden with all good things. The harvest 
of Wawat was likewise. 

[( 4 ) XXXVIIIth year.] . . . in his XII Ith campaign of 
victory. His Majesty destroyed ... [in the] territory 
of Anaugasa. The number of the captives brought by 




the army of His Majesty from the territory of Anau- 
gasa was 50 living captives, horses . . . , 3 chariots 
, . . with their equipment. ( 5 ) men surrendered of the 
territory of Anaugasa. . . . The tribute brought to the 
spirits of His Majesty in that year was 328 mares, 522 
slaves male and female, 9 chariots adorned with gold 
and silver, 61 chariots painted ; total, 
70. A collar of real lazuli ... a 
goblet, dishes, ( 6 ) heads of goats, 
and head of a lion, vessels of all the 
work of Zahi . . . [copper?] 2821 
deben 3 J qedt ; 276 blocks of native 
FIG. 69. Golden lion's copper, 26 blocks of lead, 656 vases 
head from Syria. o f incense, 3 jars of sweet and green 
beq oil, 1752 jars of seft, 156 jars of 
wine, 12 bulls ... 46 asses, i head of a deer, ( 7 ) 5 
tusks of ivory, 3 tables of ivory and locust wood, white 

FlG. 70. Golden 
deer's head from 

FIG. 71. Shields from 

FIG. 72. Quiver 
from Syria?*" 

menu stone 68 deben . . . spears, shields, and bows, 
... all kinds of weapons and fragrant wood of that 
country, all the best products of that country. Behold 
every station was supplied with all good things, accord- 
ing to the yearly rate, in going north and going south 
(forth and back in campaigns), and the work of the 
Remenen (?) likewise. The harvest of Zahi in corn, 
green beq oil, incense . . . 

The tribute brought by the chief of the Asi : the 
native copper . . . horses .... 

The tribute of the chief of Arurekh in that year : 
male and female slaves, 2 blocks of native copper, 65 

B.C. 7503-1449.] ANNALS 121 

logs of locust wood, with all the fragrant wood of its 

That which was brought to the spirits of His Majesty 
from the land of Punt : ( 9 ) 240 heq measures of gums. 

The work of the vile Kush : gold 100 [ + x] dcben 6 
qedt\ 36 negro slaves male and female, in steers, 
185 bulls ; total, 296 ; beside boats laden with ivory and 
ebony and all the good things of that land, together 
with the harvest of that land. 

The work of Wawat . . . 2844, ( 10 ) 16 negroes male 
and female, steers 77, beside boats laden with all the 
good things of that land. 

XXXIXth year, His Majesty was in the land of 
Retennu, in his XlVth campaign of victory after he 
went [to overthrow] the fallen of the Shasu. The 
amount [of tribute . . . 197 male and female slaves, ( n ) 
229 mares, gold dishes 2 deben, 
with rings 12 qedt^ real lazuli 30 
deben, silver dishes, a goblet, a 
vase in shape of the head of a 
bull, 325 various vases, with silver 
in rings, making 1495 deben i 
qedt; a chariot . . . ( 12 ) white 
precious stone, white menkh stone, 
natron, white menu stone, and all 
the various precious stones of this 
land. Incense, sweet beq oil, fresh 
beq oil, seft oil, jars of honey, 1405 
jars of wine; 84 bulls, 1183 small FIG. 73. Bull's head 
cattle, bronze . . . ( 13 ) ... of vase from Syria. 
this land with all the produce of 
this land. Behold every station was supplied with all 
good things, according to their rate of the yearly 
supplies, in going north and south ; likewise the 
harvest of ... harvest ( 14 ) of the land of Zahi, con- 
sisting of corn, incense, dates, wine . . . 

(L.D. iii. 30 A.) 

XLth year ? (*) [Tribute of the chief] of Asi ; 2 tusks of 
ivory, 40 blocks of bronze, i block of lead. 


[DYN. XVHL 6. 

Tribute of [Kush] ( 2 ) . . . that year, 144 deben 3 
qedt of gold, 101 negro slaves male and female, . . . 
bulls ( 3 ) . . . 

[Tribute of Wawat in that year] ( 3 ) . . . 35 steers, 
54 bulls ; total, 89 : beside boats laden with . . . 
XLIst year ? ( 4 ) The tribute of the chiefs of Retennu, 
brought to His Majesty's spirits ( 5 ) . . . 40 blocks ; 
falchion of . . ., bronze spears, ( 6 ) 
. . . that year 26 tusks of ivory, 241 
locust trees, 184 bulls . . . goats, ( r ) 
. . . incense. 

Also the tribute of the chief of the 
great Khita in that year was, gold ( 8 ) 
46[ -f x] deben 2 qedt, 8 male and 
female negro slaves, 13 boys for 
servants; total, 21. Bulls (?). . . 3144 
FIG. 74. -Falchion, deben 3 qedt of gold, 35 steers, 79 
oxen total, 1 14 ; beside boats laden 
with all good things. 

( 10 ) XLIInd year? His Majesty was on the road of 
the shore to destroy the city of Arqantu, and the city of 
( u ) . . . kana. The city and its district was destroyed. 
Approaching the land of Tunep, he laid waste the 
city, took its corn, cutting down its groves, ( 12 ) and 
those alive, by the troops ; bringing 
them, they arrived in peace. ~**~ 

Approaching the district of Qed- 
eshu, taking the fortresses in it. 

( 13 ) The number of spoil taken in 
them ... of vile Naharina who were 
as defenders among them, with their 
horses, 691 prisoners, 29 hands [of 
slain], 48 mares ( 14 ) ... in that 
year 295 male and female slaves, 68 
horses, 3 gold dishes, 3 silver dishes, 
3 craters, a table ; together with silver 
( 15 ) . . . 47 blocks of lead, noo deben of lead, colours, 
emery, all the gerns of the land, bronze suits of armour, 
utensils, . . . ( 16 ) all the excellent wood of the country. 
Behold every station was provided with all good things, 

FIG. 75. Suit of 

B.C. 1503-1449.] ANNALS 123 

according to the rate of their yearly produce. The 
harvest of that country ( 17 ) . . . with dishes, heads in 
shape of bulls, weighing 341 deben 2 qedt\ true lazuli, 
one stone weighing 33 qedt (n ozs.) ; a good zagu 
wood chair, native copper. 

( 18 ) [Tribute of the chief] of Tanai (?) : a silver jug of 
the work of Keftiu, with 3 vases of 
bronze with silver handles, weighing 
56 deben i qedt . . . ( 19 ) with all the 
good things of that land. 

The harvest of the vile Kush ; like- 
wise the work of the Wawat in that 
year, was, gold 2374 deben i qedt . . . 
(' 20 ) Wawat. 

Then His Majesty ordered that the 
FIG 7 6^iaveriug victories which he had made, beginning 
-from Syria. in his XXIIIrd and continuing to his* 

XLIInd year, should be recorded on 
this tablet on this shrine." 

A private inscription of the officer Amen'enrheb is of 
value, as giving some further details of the northern 
campaigns. But no distinction is made between 
different years, and only two distinctive names are 
found which occur in the Annals ; these are Senzaru 
and Niy, both of which were visited in the XXXIIIrd 
year. This might well be the date of the active life of 
Amen'envheb ; for though he appears twenty-one years 
later under Amenhotep II., he then takes no part in 
fighting or work, but merely accompanies the king in 
Egypt. He says (A.Z. xi. i, 63): 

I was very true to the prince, pure of heart to the 
king of Upper Egypt, glorious of heart to the king of 
Lower Egypt. I followed ( 2 ) my lord at his goings in 
the land of the north and south, and he desired that I 
should be the companion of his feet. He ( 3 ) performed 
his victories, and his valour fortified the heart. I made 
a capture in the land of ( 4 ) Negeba (the Negeb), I took 
Amu 3 persons, living captives. 

When His Majesty came to Naharina ( 6 ) I took 3 

I2 4 TAHUTIMES III DWN. xvni. 6. 

persons as my spoil thence ; I set them before Thy 
Majesty as living* captives. 

( 6 ) Again I took spoil in this expedition in the high 
land of Wan on the west of Khalubu (Aleppo): I 
brought ( 7 ) Amu living 'prisoners 13 persons, 70 live 
asses, 13 bronze weapons, and . . . bronze weapons 
inlaid with gold. 

( 8 ) Again I took spoil in this expedition in the land 
of Karika-masha (Karkhemish). I brought thence 
. . . persons ( 9 ) as living captives. I crossed the 
water of Naharina with them in my hand . . . ( 10 ) 
[I brought them] before my Lord. Then he rewarded 
me with a great reward, the amount . . . ( n ) I saw 
the power of the king Men'kheper'ra, the giver of life, 
in the land of Senzaru (Singara) ; he made . . . ( 12 ) 
I made a capture before the king, I brought a hand 
thence. He gave me gold of praise, the amount . . . 
( 13 ) and 2 deben silver. 

Again I saw his valour, I was among his followers 
capturing ( 14 ) Kedeshu, I did not leave the place where 
he was ; I brought thence 2 marina [living prisoners, I 
placed them] ( 15 ) before the king the lord of the two 
lands, Tahutmes the ever-living : he gave me gold for 
my valour before all persons ( 16 ) ; the amount was of 
beaten gold a lion, 2 necklaces, 2 helmets, and 4 rings. 
I saw my lord in ... ( 17 ) ... in all his forms in the^ 
borders of the land of ... ( 18 ) . . . and again gold 
was given me for it. I rose to ... 

Again I saw his might in the land of Takhisi . . . 
( 20 ) I made a captive from 
it before the king ; I brought 
3 Amu as living prisoners ; 
gave to me ( 21 ) my lord gold of 
reward, the amount was 2 gold 
... 4 bracelets, 2 helmets, a 
lion, and a female slave. 

(22\ Again ... a second 
FIG. 77 .-Elephant from Syria. good WQrk done by the j Qrd - 

of the two lands in the land of Niy, he hunted 120 
elephants for their tusks . . . ( 23 ) the largest one which 

B.C. 1503-14490 ANNALS 125 

was among them began to fight against His Majesty ; I 
cut off his hand while he was alive . . ., ( 24 ) I went in 
the water between two rocks, my lord rewarded me 
with gold ( 25 ). He gave me . . . clothing 3 pieces. 
The king of Qedshu made a mare come forth ( 26 ) in 
front . . . She ran in the midst of the army, I ran after 
her ( 27 ) on foot, having my weapon. I ripped up her 
body, I cut off her tail, I gave ( ij8 ) it to the king, and 
they praised God for me on account of this. He caused 
joy to fill my body and pleasure thrilled my limbs. 

( 29 ) When His Majesty ordered that every valorous 
man of his troops should go forth to break through the 
new walls made for Qedshu, I broke them open, I led 
all the valiant. No other person went before me, I 
brought ( 31 ) marina ^ living prisoners. Again His 
Majesty rewarded me on account of it with all ( 32 ) good 
things that are pleasing before the king. I made this 
capture while I was captain . . . ( 33 ) I arranged the 
steering in . . . as the headman of his companions ( 34 ) 
in rowing [the boat of Amen] in his good festival of 
Thebes, mankind was in joy . . . 

( 35 ) Behold the king had ended his time of existence 
of many good years of victory, power, and ( ; * 6 ) justifica- 
tion from the ist year to the 54th year. In the 3Oth of 
Phamenoth of the majesty of the king, ( 37 ) Menkheper- 
ra deceased, he ascended to* heaven and joined the 
sun's disc, the follower of the god met his maker. 

When the light dawned and the morrow came, ( 8S ) 
the disc of the sun arose and heaven became bright. 
The king Aa'khepenrra, son of the sun, Amenhotep, 
the giver of life, ( 39 ) was established on the throne of 
his father, he rested on the ka name, he struck down 
all, he thrust . . . ( 40 ) of Deshert, he hewed off the 
heads of their chiefs, crowned as Horus the son of Isis, 
he took ( 41 ) [possession of] that land. 

The remaining lines mention his accompanying the 
king in Egypt and in the palace. 



[DYN. xvm. 6. 


The most northern monument of Tahutmes III. was 
the triumphal stele which he erected on his frontier by 
the Euphrates in the neighbourhood of the city of Niy, 
by the tablet of his father. This appears to have been 
as far north as Aleppo ; but hitherto it has not been 
discovered. His other Asiatic remains are the steles in 
Sinai, At Sarbut el Khadem is a stele of the 23rd year, 
with the king offering to Hathor, the noble and high 
officer Roy holding the fan behind him (L.D. iii. 29 a). 
Another stele dated in the 27th year shows the king 
again offering to Hathor, the goddess of that region ; 
and a portion of a doorway of his lies near it (from 
photographs). Pieces of glazed vases are also found 
there. In the Wady Maghara is an inscription of his 
(My. E. 344). 

The long-neglected Delta began to revive under this 
reign. At Kom el Hisn, on the 
north-west, is a town with many 
Ramesside remains which prove 
it to be the ancient Amu (G.N. 
78). But the rebuilding of the 
temple here dates as early as 
Tahutmes III. ; as a vase evid- 
ently from a foundation deposit"" 
(bought in Cairo), names him 
44 beloved of Hathor, lady of 
Amu" (P.P. Coll.). This is 
identical in style with the vases 
of his deposits at Koptos. 

At Heliopolis (An) he carried 
out great works. A large jamb of 
a gateway was formerly in the 
citadel at Cairo (D E.Y. 24, i) ; it named Tahutmes 
beloved of Turn of An, and of the spirits of An, and that 
he made a gate of pure stone of Bekhen. Two other 
blocks of a gateway were recently still in place (B.R. 
ix. 23 a, b). A stele of the 47th year (Berlin, L.D. iii. 
29 b) informs us that he built a wall with gates around 

FIG. 78. Alabaster vase of 
Tahutmes III., founda- 
tion deposit of Amu. 
F. P. Coll. 


the temple of Ra (L.D. iii. 29 bj. Ameirenrant, whose 
tomb is at Abusir, was perhaps the architect here, as he 
was " overseer of works of the temple of Ra." His 
other titles are prince in Memphis, overseer of all the 
royal works, and general of the troops (L.D. iii. 296). 
The two obelisks which stood at Heliopolis, erected by 
Tahutmes III., were dedicated to Turn of Heliopolis. 
Both were appropriated by Ramessu II., who added 
lines of inscription on either side of the original line 
down the middle of each face. Usarkon I. has also 
added his name. One, and probably both obelisks, 
were removed from there in the i8th year of Augustus, 
B.C. 12, as recorded upon the bronze figures of crabs 
which were placed as ornaments below each corner 
(A. C. Merriam, Inscrips. on the Obelisk-Crab). They 
were placed at Alexandria in front of the Caesareum ; 
and remained there until one (68 J feet high) was 
removed to London in 1877, and the other (69 J feet 
high) was removed to New York in 1879. The obelisks 
of the Lateran and of Constantinople have been 
reported to belong to Heliopolis ; but, as we shall see 
farther on, they probably come from Thebes. 

At Abusir is the tomb of Amen-envant, as we have 
just noticed. At Memphis it appears (according to an 
inscription at Sakkara, B.H. 403) that a temple was 
erected to Ptah. At Gurob, at the entrance to the 
Fayum, a temple was built with a town around it at 
the end of the great dyke of the Fayum (P.I. xxv.). A 
lintel (P.I. xxiv. 3), now in Adelaide, and other stones 
(P.K. xxii. 2), give the king's name; 
the erasures show that this lasted 
until the time of Akhenaten ; but the 
temple was soon after ruined and 
mostly removed, and houses built 
over its site. This town was ruined FIG. 79. 
in the foreign invasion and expul- j** d 

sion under Merenptah, and was coll. 
scarcely occupied since. 

The rock temple of Speos Artemidos, near Beni 
Hasan, begun by Hatshepsut, was continued by 

128 TAHUTIMES III [DVN. xvm. 6. 

Tahutmes III. (L.D. iii. 26, 7). At El Bersheh a 
tablet was carved on the rock, dated in 33rd year, on 
the 2nd of Mesore, wishing the king- millions of the Sed 
festivals, that great feast of 30 years having* taken 
place two or three days before the dating- of this 

At Ekhmim is a scene carved in a rock chamber, of 
Tahutmes (written Men'ra'kheper) adoring Amen-Min 
(L.D. iii. 29 d) ; and another inscription in the temple 
site (My. E. 431). At Abydos a colossus of Osiris 
bears the name of the king on the back (M.A. i). At 
Dendera an inscription in a crypt mentions ."the 
restoring of the monument made by the king, lord 
of both lands, Men'kheper'ra, lord of the crowns, 
Tahutmes, according to the discovery of ancient 
writings of the time of Khufu" (D.D. i.) ; and a block 
of Tahutmes remains there in the later building (D.D. 
iii. d). He also dedicated a great sistrum of mafek 
(malachite?), 16 digits (a foot) high, which is figured in 
the later sculpture (D.D. ii. c). In Wady Hammamat 
is also an inscription of this king (My. E. 326). 

At Koptos he entirely rebuilt the temple. Deep 
foundations were laid, which lasted through all the 
successive rebuildings, and through the Ptolemaic 
clearance, down to Roman times. The front was 
supported by six large pillars, placed on deep-and 
massive sub - structures. Beneath the walls were 
several foundation deposits of models of tools, ores, 
vases in alabaster, and a great quantity of pottery : all 
of the more valuable objects were inscribed for 
Tahutmes, " beloved of Min of Koptos." Though the 
upper building of this temple has been removed, yet 
fragments show that the walls were all of Silsileh 
sandstone, in place of the limestone used in the earlier 
temples. The pillars were of red granite sculptured 
with scenes of the king offering. They were probably 
re-used in the later temples, as they remained accessible 
in Christian times, and were removed from the ruins 
to build into a Coptic church, of which little remains 
now but these pillars. Near Dallas, opposite Koptos, 

B.C. 1503-1449- .1 



is the ruin of the small town of Nubt, built by this king* 
and Amenhotep II., the bricks being stamped with 
their cartouches. Foundation deposits and a sand- 
stone jamb of Tahutmes III. were lately found there. 

Karnak shows the greatest work of this reign. The 
old temple, which had been renewed and enlarged by 
this family, had an immense addition made behind it. 
A great hall was built, over 130 feet long, supported on 

FIG. 80. Columns of Tahutmes III. Karnak. 

two rows of pillars and two rows of columns ; it lay 
across the axis of the temple in front of a new 
sanctuary. Numerous chambers opened around it, 
forming a complex mass of nearly fifty halls and rooms. 
In the older part great changes were made. A thin 
pylon (VI.), or wall, was thrust in between the 
sanctuary and the pylons of Tahutmes I. It bears 



[DVN. xvni. 6. 

some of the most valuable documents, in the long lists 
of conquered towns and peoples; three lists are of 
northern, and one is of southern names. Also a casing 
was built around the lower parts of the obelisks of 

Hatshepsut, so as to hide 
all her address to those who 
should gaze on her work, 
and desire to know who 
did it. On the inner side 
of this pylon of Tahutmes 
are the two beautiful 
granite pillars adorned 
with lotus flowers on each 
side. The valuable list of 
ancestors whom the king 
is represented adoring was 
in the southern side of the 
surrounding chambers of 
the temple ; but the whole 
part was so barbarously 
destroyed in the surrepti- 
tious theft of the sculptures 
by Prisse, that Mariette 
could not trace even the 
position of the chambers. 

Leaving the main temple, 
the southern approach 
was further decorated by 
another pylon (VII.), be- 
hind the pylon (VIII.) of 
Tahutmes I. Adjoining 
that is the eastern wall of 
the court, and'opening from 
that wall is a small temple 
of alabaster. The walls 
bordering the sacred lake here are also of this reign. 

To the north the small temple of Ptah was built by 
Tahutmes ; and his name also occurs in the temple of 
Mut. The brick wall around the whole of the build- 
ings then existing was also the work of Tahutmes III. 

FIG. 8 1. Lotus pillars of Tahutmes 
III. Karnak. 

D.C. 1503-1449.] GREATER MONUMENTS 131 

At Medinet Habu, this king finished the temple which 
had been In progress since his grandfather's time, and 
which was mainly built by his father, and decorated by 
him and Hatshepsut. It was then but a small building, 
and was restored by Horernheb, by Sety I., by Ramessu 
XII., and by Painezem I., according to their successive 
notices on the front wall. Then Taharqa added a front 
court and pylon in front, cutting through the temenos 
of Ramessu III.; the XXXth dynasty added another 
court in front of that ; Ptolemy X. added a great pylon 
before that ; and. lastly, Antoninus added a forecourt 
in front of all. 

At Deir el Bahri, or Assassif, the great design of 
Hatshepsut was finished by Tahutmes III. after her 
death ; one doorway is entirely inscribed by him 
(D.H. ii. xxxiv.), showing that the work was not 
completed by her. The obelisks would be among the 
later objects, and it is therefore very probable that they 
were erected or at least inscribed by Tahutmes. The 
height of the great pair of obelisks is recorded by an 
inscription in the temple to have been 108 cubits 
(L.D. iii. 27, n) ; and as nothing more than the bases 
of them have been seen in the temple, we naturally 
look around to see if they have been carried elsewhere. 
The length of 185 feet is so much greater than that of 
any other obelisk, that it is probable that the width was 
not as large in proportion, as that would have made 
the weight impossibly heavy to move. The obelisk of 
Hatshepsut is 97^ feet high, 7 feet 10 inches wide at 
base, and about 5 feet 8 inches at top (measured from 
a photograph) ; the obelisk of Tahutmes III. (Lateran) 
is 105^ feet high, 9 feet 9 inches wide at base, and about 
5 feet 10 inches at top. Taking the lighter obelisk, that 
of Hatshepsut, which weighs about 300 tons, if the 
thickness were increased proportionally to the length 
on 185 feet, it would imply a weight of over 2000 tons. 
This is so obviously excessive (as the heaviest blocks 
yet known are the colossi of Ramessu II., 800 tons at 
the Ramesseum, and 900 tons at Tanis), that we cannot 
suppose that the thickness was proportionate to the 



[DYN. XVIH. 6. 



height. Probably, therefore, the missing 1 obelisks 
should be about the same width at the top as the other 
great obelisks, and wider at the base. 

The only obelisk that could 
fit this requirement is that of 
Constantinople. It is only the 
top of a broken obelisk ; but 
the inscription on the south 
face is exactly parallel to that 
on the west face of Hatshep- 
sut's obelisk. If it continued 
like that, its height would come 
to about 1 20 feet ; but it may, 
of course, have been a longer 
inscription. If we suppose 
that it was 172 feet (or 100 
cubits, leaving 13 feet for 
pedestal), then, as the top is 
about 5 feet 6 inches wide (by 
photograph), and the broken 
end 7 feet wide, the base would 
have been 10 feet 2 inches 
wide, there being no per- 
ceptible entasis. As the 
Lateran obelisk is 9 feet 9 
inches, this size of base would 
be very probable for a longer 
obelisk, mass. The weight of this 
Constantinople obelisk would 
then be about 800 tons, or just 
of the same class as the two 
greatest colossi. 

The problem, therefore, 
stands thus. Two obelisks 
existed at Deir el Bahri 185 feet high, probably including 
the pedestals. The Constantinople fragment (judging 
by the inscription) was apparently from an obelisk 
longer than any other known, and therefore has the 
best claim to be one of the missing pair. It is so 
slender that, if protracted to the same base width as the 

K C L 

FIG. 82. K. Hatshepsut's 
obelisk at Karnak. 

L. Tahutmes III. 

C. Broken top of obelisk at 
Constantinople, continued 
down to same breadth as 
Lateran, and making (with 
the base) a height of 108 
cubits as described. 

6.c. 1503-1449.] GREATER MONUMENTS 133 

Lateran, it would be of about the recorded length. If 
it were of that length, its existing width and slope 
would imply a weight about the same as that of the 
Heaviest masses known to have been transported. And 
it was dedicated to Amen, and therefore probably 
came from Thebes. It is then most likely that we see 
in this the top of one of the great obelisks of Deir el 
Bahri. What became of the lower part, and of the 
other obelisk, we may guess when we see the multitude 
of obelisks erected by Ramessu II., and remember 
how ruthlessly he re-worked the stones of his pre- 

An interesting inscription concerning the obelisks of 
Tahutmes III. exists in the tomb of Puamra at Qurneh. 
The king is seated " beholding monuments of great 
works made by the king, lord of both lands, Men* 
kheperra, to his father Amen in Thebes, great in 
silver and gold, and all noble things, by the prince, the 
beloved of the god Puam." Before him stand three of 
the architects and three of the builders, saying, "Come 
the overseers of works speaking of these princely 
things, delighting thy heart by thy creation of all these 
thy high works." The first three are " overseers of 
workmen of the temple of Amen " ; the other three are 
" overseers of works of the temple of Amen." Behind 
them are two great obelisks with inscriptions dedicating 
them to Amen (L.D. iii. 390). 

' Another tomb shows the king offering two obelisks, 
with vases, arms, collars, boxes, gold rings (613 \ deben 
weight), etc., to Amen (C.M. 316-7). 

The great tomb of Reklrma-ra (which we have 
drawn from in previous pages to illustrate the foreign 
tribute) shows that he had to do with the monuments 
of the king, and with the plating of the temple gates 
with gold from the Rutennu (M.A.F. v. 57). Similarly, 
Men-kheper-ra-senb states that he had seen Tahutmes 
make a monolith shrine of red granite entirely plated 
with electrum, and a colonnade and pair of obelisks 
likewise covered. 

At Taud, above Thebes, are fragments of sculptures 



N. xvin. 6. 

of this reign. At Esneh a great stele of the king is 
mentioned in an inscription of the time of Claudius 
(L.D. iv. 8 a). At El Kab an architrave of the temple 
of Sebek is of this age (C.N. 266); and a small temple 
surrounded by a colonnade like the destroyed one 
of Elephantine stood here (W.T. 430). At Edfu is a 
Ptolemaic inscription stating that Tahutmes III. built 

FIG. 83. The overseers of works who made 
the obelisks. Thebes. 

the temple of Hathor at Edfu (A.Z. ix. 97). At Kom 
Ombo stood a grand pylon to the temenos of the 
temple, which, though built by Hatshepsut ; was carved 
by Tahutmes III. The lintel of it was a Ptolemaic 
restoration (L.D. iii. 28, i ; R.R. 28); but all this is 
now washed away by the Nile. A lintel block of 
Tahutmes III., perhaps washed out of some later 
structure, lay on the bank recently (A.Z. xxi. 78). 

u.c. 15^3-^4490 GREATER MONUMENTS 135 

At Elephantine some temple existed, as is shown by 
the blocks ofTahutmes III. which remained built into 
the quay wall. But there is no evidence to which 
temple they belonged ; and it is more likely that they 
were part of some ruined temple of Tahutmes rebuilt 
by the Ptolemies, than that the temple of Amenhotep 
III. was begun by Tahutmes. A block of this king 
remains also at the railway station at Aswan (Rec. 
ix. 81). An obelisk from the temple of Elephantine is 
stated to be at Sion House (Birch, History, 102). An 
inscription at Sehel records the clearing again of the 
canal of the cataract (see i. p. 179): "The year 50, 
Pakhons 22, under the majesty of king Men'kheperra, 
His Majesty commanded to cut this canal, after he had 
found it choked with stones so that no vessel crossed 
on it. His Majesty passed over it, his heart rejoicing 
that he had slain his enemies. Name of this canal, 
1 Open the way well by Men'kheperra. 1 The fishers of 
Elephantine are to dredge this canal every year " (Rec. 
xiii. 203). Another stele shows the king adoring the 
gods Khnum Anket and Sati (M.I. i. 101, 218). Pro- 
bably a temple was built on the island of Bigeh by 
this king, judging from a statue there (W.T. 470). 

In Nubia was one of the greatest fields of archi- 
tectural activity of Tahutmes III. Almost every site 
there appears to have been settled by him, and temples 
built to the local gods. At Kalabsheh is said to be a 
granite statue in the temple, and a block with his name 
Prokesch Nilfahrt 575). At Kuban is an inscription 
My. E. 538). At Dakkeh also a mention of the king 
S.N. 136). At Korti is a stone of Tahutmes, and the 
foundations of the temple which was rebuilt later 
(L.L. 124). At Amadah is a gateway ofTahutmes III. 
on one jamb, and of Amenhotep II. on the other jamb, 
while both names occur jointly on the lintel. This 
points to a co-regency (L.D. iii. 65 b, c). A great stele 
in the third year of Amenhotep II. shows that the 
work was done here at the close of the reign of 
Tahutmes (L.D. iii. 65 a), and that the co-regency was 
not long. There is also a scene of Tahutmes embraced 

136 TAHUTIMES III frvN.xvm.6. 

by Isis-Selk (L.D. iii. 45). At Ellesiyeh are scenes of 
Tahutmes III. adoring Ra, Dedun, and Usertesen IIL 
(L.D. iii. 45 d), and of Uaxet and Mut embracing the 
king, and his offering to Hathor and Horus of Behen, 
Maam, and Ta'khens (L.D. iii. 46). A stele here is 
dated in the 42nd year, Pakhons 14 (L.D. iii. 45 e), 
showing again that the Nubian works were toward the 
end of the reign. At Ibrim are two rock chapels ; one 
has a lintel with the king's name, and inside are 
figures of the king before Horus of Maam ; the other 
chapel shows him before Horus of Maam and-Sati 
(C.N. 79). These shrines were carved by the viceroy 
Nehi, who is frequently met with in this region. 

At Wady Haifa a brick temple was erected by 
Tahutmes III. to the Horus of Beheni. By the door is 
a stele of his 23rd year (B.E. 341). Also a grand 
temple at Semneh (L.D. iii. 47-56), and a fellow one at 
the other fortress of Kummeh (L.D. iii. 57-59 a, 64 b) 
were probably both begun by the preceding kings, but 
completed and adorned by the viceroy Nehi under 
Tahutmes III. At the island of Sai (lat. 20 42' N.) 
are the remains of a temple of this reign, built by the 
viceroy Nehi (L.D. iii. 59 b, c). At Dosheh appear 
Tahutmes III. and Usertesen III. together, and also 
Tahutmes offering to Horus of Ta'khens (L.D. iii. 
59 d, e). And the founding of the temple of Soletr4s 
attributed likewise to this reign. 

We see thus the most extraordinary activity in 
building ; and probably dozens of minor temples have 
passed away which are quite unknown to us, as little 
suspected as the temples of Kom el Hisn, Gurob, and 
Nubt were a few years ago. As it is, we can count 
up over thirty different sites, all of which were built on 
during this reign. The Nubian buildings seem to be 
mostly of later date than the others, and the record of 
clearing the canal in the soth year shows activity there 
at that time. It would seem probable that the last 
ten years of the great conqueror- were devoted to 
affirming his power in the south. 

B.C. 1503-1449.3 




The statues of Tahutmes III. are numerous, but 
seldom colossal. At Karnak is the base of a seated 
colossus in hard white silicious limestone, at the west 
end. of the front of pylon VIII. (M.K. 38 dj. The head 
of a colossus in brown granite is in the British Museum, 
but the statue of it is unknown. 

A standing- statue in red granite from Karnak, rather 

over life size, is in Cairo (G. Mus., 

V.G. 202); it was found in the 

axial chamber or sanctuary of the 

buildings of Tahutmes III. at the 

east end of the temple (M.K. p. 

34). A seated black granite statue 

was also found at Karnak in many 

fragments, now rejoined (G. Mus., 

V.G. 214). Many dozens of 

statues of this king are also 

stated to have existed at Karnak 

(M.K. p. 36). At Turin is a very 

fine statue in black and white 

diorite (L.T. 1376; the head, L.D. 

iii. 292, 30). Another seated 

statue in dark grey granite, but 

headless, was brought from Nubia 

probably Elephantine, as it 

names the gods of that place : it 

is now at Florence (S. Cat. F. 

1503). At Abydos remains still a 

torso, and a throne (M.A. 348-9). 

At Alexandria stood a statue 

of the king, " beloved of Anit, lady of Dendera " 

(B.R. ix. 3, p. 18). A torso lies behind the temple at 

Karnak, and two fragments of statues before the first 

pylon of the hypostyle at Luxor (W.G. 358). A bust 

in red granite was found at Karnak (V.G. 192). A 

bronze statuette of the king is reputed to be at 

Marseille, but is not in Maspero's catalogue. Two 

FIG. 84. Statue of Ta- 
hutmes III. Karnak. 


. xvii i. 6. 

statues are mentioned in inscriptions by Tahutmes IV. 
(M.K. 33), and by Neb'ua-iu (M.A. ii. 33). 

Two sphinxes in red granite were found in a chamber 
at the back of the hall of pillars of Tahutmes, along* 
with two tables of offerings probably for offering 1 before 
them (V.G. 221-2 ; M.K. 32 b, pp. 34, 55). A drawing 
of the king on a board divided in squares for the canon 

FIG. 85. Board with figure of Tahutmes III., drawn on squares. 
Brit. Mus. 

of proportion is in the British Museum (A.B. 33); and 
a trial piece with uncertain heads and this king's 
name is at Turin (L.D. iii. 304). 

A stele, showing Tahutmes adoring- Min, is at 
Turin (L.T. 1460) ; and one was found in the chapel of 
Uazmes, showing Tahutmes III. adoring his grandfather 
and prince Uazmes (M.E. ii.). A large, high block of 

B.C. 1503-1449- 


red granite, with figures half detached in relief, 
representing Tahutmes held hand in hand by Mentu 
and Hathor, twice repeated, was found at Karnak. 
From the size, about 5^ feet high and 3 x i feet at 
the top, it cannot be an altar ; but would be exactly 
suited as a stand for resting the sacred bark in the 
temple, when depositing it from the priests' shoulders 
after a procession (B. Mus., A.B. 34). Another such 
block is said to be still at Karnak (W.G. 366). A 
large and very fine altar is in the Vatican (Massi, 
Guide, 87). An altar of the kalathos form was found 
at Salonika (A.Z. vi. 79). And two fine altars of red 
granite and of alabaster belonged to the sphinxes of 
Tahutmes in a back hall of the Karnak temple built by 
him (Hall Y 1 , M.K. 32 b ; V.G. 211 ; M.B. 98). 

Many alabaster vases are known, to which references 
are given at the head of this reign. The important 
ones are those with the contents marked. One at 
Turin contained nine hins, but is filled with bitumen (?), 
so that it cannot be guaged ; another at Ghizeh con- 
tained 21 hins, and as it measures 581 cubic inches, 
the hin was 27*7 c. i. in this case. Two glass vases 

with the name of Men'kheperra are ^ _ 

the earliest dated glass known, and 

show much facility in the working and 

knowledge of the material (B. Mus.; 

Ms. A. 251 ; R.C. Ixii. 6). Two ivory 

tablets with the name are reported to 

exist at Marseille (W.G. 368), but are 

not apparent in Maspero's catalogue : 

they are probably those which are now 

considered false. A very strange series 

of fourteen labels of wood and one of 

stone, bearing the names of princesses, 

three of which have also the name of 

Tahutmes III. , were found in a tomb in 

Thebes by Rhind. That they were original labels of 

the mummies of the princesses, seems very unlikely ; 

they may have belonged to slaves or servants of the 

princesses, as there are so many different names. 

FIG. 86. Glass vase 
of Tahutmes III. 

140 tAHUTIMES III tovN.xvni.6. 

From the style of the names they seem to be all of 
this same period, so they are not likely to be labels 
which were attached in course of removing a series 
of miscellaneous royal mummies in later times. The 
names are stated here in dealing with the family of 
the king. A feather head-dress of Amen with the 
king's name (T. Mus.), a fish-shaped dish of green 
glaze (Ms. G. 124), and a scribe's palette for " Tahutmes 
III. loved by Amen and Ptah" (Bologna), are of this 

A few papyri remain. One in Turin (No. i) recounts 
how a scribe User 'amen had served royalty for thirty 
years ; as he dates in the fifth year of this reign, he 
began in the middle of Tahutmes Ist's reign. 

Rings are common in all materials, except glazed 
pottery, which does not appear till Tahutmes IV. One 
ring in gold found at Gurob (Fig. 48) shows that 
the king was born at Thebes (mes uas). The contem- 
porary scarabs of this reign are com- 
moner than in any other ; and the 
name of Men'kheperra continued to 
be placed on amulets and scarabs in 
_^ many later times, so that two scarabs 

Fio.Sr.-Scarabof Out * ^ *" . with m f * re 
Tahutmes III. generally of this king. His lasting 
F. P. Coll. popularity shows how deeply the glories 

of his reign had impressed Egyptians 
with the greatest epoch of their history. Two later 
kings retook his name, the husband of Isi'enrkheb in 
the XXIst, and Piankhy in the XXVth dynasty. 


We now turn to the remains of private persons, 
which, from the length and the riches of this reign, are 
unusually important. 

Beginning with those who lived in this reign, there 
are the following officials and others : 

Aa'ma'ihu, vizier, tomb, Silsileh (L.D. Hi. 25 bis, o; S.B.A. 

xii. 103; M.A.F. v. i. 3). 

B.C. I503-I449-] 



Amen'ewant) architect and general, Abusir (L.D. iii. 29 e). 
Amen'em-hat, keeper of the palace, Heliopolis(L.D. iii. 29 c). 

Amen'em'heb) tomb with Rutennu 
Amen* em f hat, tomb, stele, 28th year 

Amen'em'ka, cones, second prophet of king 

Amen'em'meruf, ivekil of the palace, Leydcn 
Amen'mes, overseer of north, tomb, Asasssif. 

(L.D. iii. 38 e-g; 

A.Z. xxi. 132). 
(M.A.F. viii. 279, 

(Lb. D. 595)- 

FIG. 88. Rekh'ma-ra. 

Amen-user, tomb 119, vizier 
Amunzeh, keeper of the palace, tomb 
Antef t chief reporter, tomb, Drah a. Negg-a. 
Bahes'heku, feather-bearer, Turin 
Humai, governor of Memphis, P. Mus. 
Kargui, scribe of Nubian treasury, Addeh 
JChartt, fan-bearer 
Mau'en'hegu, armour-bearer, Turin 
Men'kheperra'senb, A, keeper of magazines 
B, tomb 59 

(B.E. ii. 191). 
(M.A.F.V. 337- 

(Rec. iii. 124). 
(S. h. 14). 
(W. G. 3 68). 
(Lb. D. 591). 
(L.T. 1459). 
(B.C. 127 cone). 
v. 197-223). 

I 4 2 TAHUTIMES III [DYN. xvm, 6. 

ny keeper of granaries, Abbott papvrus. 
,, tomb, keeper of audience hall (Rec. ix. 97). 

Neby, great builder of the king 1 , Dresden (A.Z. xix. 67). 

Nehi, viceroy of Ethiopia (L.D. iii, 59 b, c, 

etc.; C.N. 79). 
Penaati, chief of works (P.S. 357). 

statue, Turin (S. Cat. F. 1505). 

Ptah'mesy high priest, Memphis, naos, Abydos (V.G. 200 ; M.A. 

ii. 32). 

,, ,, ,, pyramid, Berlin (B.C. 91). 

Puam'ra, over the royal monuments, and 

governor of the small Oasis (D.O. i, 2 a, p. 22 ; L.D. iii. 39 c), 
ushabti-coffin (B.C. 125), stele (V.G. 215). 
Rekh'ma'ra, vizier, great tomb, No. 35, 

Qurneh (M.A.F v.; H.E. xlvi.-xlix.; P. A. 97, 100). 

Set, guardian of the palace (Lb. D. 587). 

Tahutii general, gold dish, silver dish, canopic 
jar (Louvre), gold heart scarab, canopic jar, 
kohl pot (Leyden), dagger (Darmstadt). 
Tahuti, scribes, coffin (M.B. 577), palette (M.A. 1486 and 

Ms. G. 120). 

Tahutmes, wekil of the palace (Lb. D. 595, 608). 

,, high priest of Memphis (S. Cat. *F. 1570). 

User, vizier (M.K. 32 g); stele, 24th year, tomo (A.Z. xxi. 132). 
User'hat, overseer of serfs of the king (L.P. 26). 

Zanuni) scribe of general census, tomb (C.N. 831), stele (Turin ; 
Rec. iv. 13; M.A.F. v. 591). 

Priests of Tahutmes III. in later times : 

Bakta, qemat of Tahutmes III., stele, P. Mus. (P.R. ii. 77). \ adoring Sopd and Tahutmes III. (E.L. 40). ~- 
Horem'heb, tomb (C.N. i. 492 ; L.D. iii. 78 b). 

Ima'ducty great tomb under Rams. X. (C.N. i. 563). 

Ken*amen^ priest, Abydos (M.A. 1108, ii. 49). 

Khaemuas, 2nd prophet of T. Tomb of Khonsu (Qurneh) 
Khonsu, ist prophet of T. Rams. II. tomb (Qurneh) 
Men'kheper, prayer to royal ka (C.N. i. 839). 

Ra, priest (L.D. iii. 62 b). 

Ran y priest (Berlin, 2067 ?) 

SakedenU) priest, cones (M.A.F. viii. 299, 294). 

Sen'nefer adoring Nefertari, Sa*pair, Tahutmes 
I. and III., Amenhotep II., seal and palace 
keeper, tomb, Qurneh (L.T. 1455). 

The importance of these private remains is in show- 
ing details of the foreign peoples and tributes ; these 
we have already noticed, 

&c 1503-1449] ROYAL FAMILY 143 


Of the family of Tahutmes III. but little is known. 
His queen, of whom his heir Amenhotep II. was born, 
was Meryfra Hatshepset, daughter of Hatshepsut ; 
this is shown by Amenhotep 
being accompanied with his 
mother in tomb scenes (L.D. 
iii. 62, 64), and on a scarab 
(M.A. ii. 40 n). A female 
sphinx representing her, with 
the name of her husband on 
the chest, was found in the 
temple of Isis at Rome, now 
in the Baracco collection, and 
casts of it at Turin and Berlin 
(A. Z. xx. 118). The queen ^V 8 ^. 11 ^ of Tahutmes 
* , , . i i i \ i III., Deirel Bahn. Photo- 

appears behind her husband graphed by Mr. Carter. 
at Medinet Habu (L.D. iii. 
38 a, b ; C.M. 195, 3) ; and in a tomb (L.D. iii. 63 a). 

A strange collection of labels bearing the names of 
princesses was found by Rhind at Thebes. A tomb 
sealed under Amenhotep III. had been broken open ; 
in the upper chamber were fragments of coffins and 
funereal furniture, with these labels lying loose ; in the 
lower chamber were the despoiled mummies. Not 
having any of the pieces of the coffins dated or pre- 
served, it is possible that they and the mummies all 
belonged to subsequent interments, but not likely ; as, 
if the place had been cleared out for fresh burials, the 
entrance would have been regularly opened. And as 
it is not likely that a whole clearance would have been 
made within sixty years, the seal of Amenhotep is 
probably of the same closing of the tomb to which 
these labels of Tahutmes III. belong. 

The question then arises, who were the persons con- 
nected with the labels? The little slips of wood, with 
names written on in rough hieratic with ink, are not at 
all grand ; and Rhind suggested that they might have 
been for slaves of the various princesses. This is the 

144 TAHUTIMES III [DYN. xvm, 6, 

more likely, as there are three labels of one name, and 
two of each of two other names : so they must have 
referred to persons or things belonging to the prin- 
cesses, and could not be body labels for themselves. 
But no person is named beside the princesses, except 
on two labels, the household or funeral officials, namely, 
an inspector, two guardians, and an embalmer, are 

Turning next to the names, we read first: " Year 
27, Pharmuthi 2. King's daughter Nebtau, daughter 
of the royal son Sa'tum " (see No. i). Here the title 
king's daughter must mean descendant, as Sa'tum was 
her immediate father. Another inscription bears on 
this, as Neb'amen was keeper of the house of the royal 
wife Nebtu (Rec. ix. 97), whose name is probably the 
same as Nebtau, with a slight blunder in one or other. 
Neb'amen had served Tahutmes II., then dead, and 
Nebtu was also dead when he wrote under Tahutmes III. 
This date of twenty-seven years after Tahutmes II. is not 
at all impossible to fit his biography. Who, then, was 
the queen Nebtu ? As the date above on the label is forty 
years after the death of Tahutmes I., it seems more 
likely that Nebtu was a queen of Tahutmes III., who 
died young. The tomb appears to have been in use 
till some time later, by the seal of Amenhotep III. ; 
and hence the various king's daughters named, ^nd 
stated to be of the house of the royal children of 
Tahutmes III., were, probably his daughters. Their 
names are recorded 

* ' Princess Taui . . . of the house of the royal 
children of Men'kheper'ra ; those who follow her, 
inspector Maa, guardian . . ., guardian Nefer . . ., 
embalmer ..." 

" Princess Ta'kheta, of the house of the royal 
children of Men'kheperra ; those who follow her, the 
inspector Tugay, guardian Si, guardian Nefer u-er*hatf, 
embalmer Nefer'renpit " (sse No. 2). 

" Princess Pefahuha of Men'kheperra " (3). 

"Princess Pefpui, surnamed Ta'khet'aui" (2). 

" Princess Meryfptah." 

B.C. IS03-M49-] 



" Princess Sat'hora." 
" Princess Nefer'amen." 
" Princess Uaay." 
" Princess Henut'anu" (2). 

Bearing on the date, we may notice that the Kheta 
do not appear named among Egyptian foes till the 

FIG. 90. i. Label of Nebtau. 

2. Label of Ta'kheta. 

33rd year of Tahutmes III.; hence Ta'kheta (who was 
probably the child of some captive of the Kheta) 
would probably have died late in his reign. 

At the close of this reign, one of the grandest and 
most eventful in Egyptian history, we may well pause 

to look at the new conditions 
of life which were thus forced 
on the country. 

In the previous crises of the 
land, when it was invaded 
by the Libyans in the Vllth, 
by the Amu or Asiatics in 
the IXth, and again in the 
XlVth dynasty, but little 
effect was made upon the 
national art and character. 
The invaders were apparently less civilised than the 

II 10 

FIG. 91. Haematite scarab of 
Tahutmes III., found in 
Cappadocia, and clearly of 
Syrian work, both in design 
and execution. Dr. Long's 


Egyptians, and had ho knowledge to impart to them. 
The upper classes of the Egyptians doubtless fled 
southward before the invaders, and only those whose 
property fixed them to the soil were likely to stay under 
a hated oppression. Thus very little effect appears on 
the Egyptian civilisation ; the works of the Xlth and 
the XVIIth or of the Xllth and the XVIIIth dynasties, 
when compared, are barely distinguishable. Clearly no 
external influence acted on the art or ways of the 
Egyptians with any obvious result. Not only would 
the skilled classes flee, but the boundary of the races 
would be always a fighting frontier where the arts 
would not be practised. 

When we come to the invasion of Syria by the 
Egyptians, very different causes are at work. This 
was not a racial invasion by a body of settlers, who 
hold together and form a rival community to the 
natives, with a repellent attitude. On the contrary, it 
was a far-reaching raid of a body of troops passing 
through many different tribes, and not displacing any 
of them, but plundering each in turn. Thus the 
Syrian and the Egyptian were brought into close per- 
sonal contact. 

Then at this period the civilisation of Syria was 
equal or superior to that of Egypt. No coats of mail 
appear among the Egyptians in this age, but, they 
took 200 suits of armour at the sack of MegTddo 
(23rd year Tahutmes III.), and soon after such coats 
of scale armour commonly appear in groups of valu- 
ables sculptured in the tombs. No gilded chariots 
appear in Egypt, except later than this, and for royalty; 
but we read of two gold-plated chariots in the sack of 
Megiddo (yr. XXIII), 10 with gold and silver (yr. 
XXIV), 19 chariots inlaid with silver (tribute yr. 
XXXI), chariots adorned with gold, silver, and colours 
(yr. XXXIV), 20 chariots inlaid with gold and silver 
(yr. XXXV), and nine more (yr. XXXVIII). Here 
was luxury far beyond that of. the Egyptians, and 
technical work which could teach them, rather than be 
taught. In the rich wealth of gold and silver vases, 

B.C. 1503-1449.] INFLUENCE OF SYRIA 147 

which were greatly prized by the Egyptians, we see 
also the sign of a people who were their equals, if not 
their superiors, in taste and skill. 

In what way, then, did this civilisation come in con- 
tact with Egypt? In the most thorough way possible. 
No sufficient notice has ever been taken of the great 
number of captives brought into Egypt. In the 
biography of Aahmes, of the earlier reigns of this 
dynasty, we read that he alone had 6 male captives 
and 7 females, and had 8 others given him from the 
general booty, making 21 captives taken into the 
household and estate of one officer alone. In the later 
biography of Amen'enrheb, under Tahutmes III., we 
read of his taking as many as 31 or more captives. 
These were no exceptional instances. Whenever the 
troops went out, they seem to have usually made many 
captures : " to every man a damsel or two," like Sisera's 
custom. We have a general view of the results in the 
summary of each year's tribute and plunder. In eleven 
campaigns, of which the details remain, there are 
7548 captives and slaves, male and female, mentioned, 
beside some lost numbers, probably about 8000 in all ; 
and about 400 of these are specified as belonging to 
the upper classes. And beside this, a tribute of girls 
appears to have been exacted in the tranquil age of the 
later reigns. 

When we consider whom the Egyptians would select 
as tribute, it is obvious that they would get the most 
valuable labourers that they could. In the sack of 
Megiddo it is specified that the king * * sent the foreign 
workmen with the tribute southwards." The artist of 
the chief of Tunep is figured as following his captive 
lord, holding a vase (Fig. 52). And the keenness with 
which the Egyptians record all the beautiful and 
luxurious products of the Syrians, shows that the work- 
men would probably be more in demand than other 
kinds of slave-tribute. Beside the men who would 
bring in their arts and skill, large numbers of the cap- 
tives appear to have been women. We know, in the 
time of Amenhotep III. and IV., that even the kings 



DYN. xvm. 

married Syrian princesses ; and as early as the second 
campaign of Tahutmes III., the daughter of a chief 
was yielded to him as tribute. We cannot doubt, 
then, that the female slaves were taken as wives and 
concubines by the Egyptians, as also was the Jewish 
custom. The striking change in the physiognomy and 

ideal type of the upper 
classes in the latter part 
of the XVIIIth dynasty 
points to a strong foreign 
infusion. In place of the 
bold, active faces of 
earlier times, there is a 
peculiar sweetness and 
delicacy ; a gentle smile 
and a small, gracefully- 
curved nose are charac- 
teristic of the upper 
classes in the time of 
Amenhotep III. Such 
features we know to 
have been found in 
Syria, as in Thyi, and 
the Yanuan captive of 
later time. Being of 
such a winning type, Jj^ 
is no wonder that they 
were taken into the 
Egyptian families. 

The condition, then, 
was that thousands of 
Syrians, selected pro- 
bably for their value in 
either skill or beauty, were brought into Egypt largely 
as the property of the upper classes, and therefore settled 
down in their households and domains. Every Syrian 
workman would be employed on the most valuable work 
that he could do, as their products were so much appre- 
ciated by the Egyptians. Every Syrian mother would 
teach her children somewhat of her own tongue and 

FIG. 92. Usertesen I., Xllth dynasty, 
Older Egyptian type. 

B.C. I503-I449J 



her own thoughts. And this was going on among 
the ruling classes, and imbuing them year by year with 
the ideas, tastes, and language of a civilisation equal 
to their own. No wonder that, after a few generations, 
we find Semitic words, idioms, and thoughts trans- 
fused throughout the Egyptian literature. No nation 
could be proof against such influences. 

That large numbers of persons were engaged in un- 
remunerative work in Egypt, and that the economic 
state of the land had greatly changed, is shown by the 
requisition for corn. 
In early days buying 
corn in Egypt was a 
matter of course ; to 
the Roman, Egypt was 
the granary of the 
empire ; in our days 
the annual millions of 
the debt are paid for 

FIG. 93. Head of Zey, XVIIIth dynasty. 
New Egypto-Syrian type. * 


by lines of ships laden 
with beans and cotton. 
Egypt has always been 
an exporting country, 
except during this 
XVIIIth dynasty, when 
it seems to have re- 
quired imports. From 
Megiddo the Egyptians 
carried off 150,000 
bushels of corn in one year, beside all that they con- 
sumed. And every year large tributes of harvest came 
in both from Syria and from Nubia. The only possible 
meaning of this is that a large part of the population 
was employed on work that did not produce food. For 
if even half the people were agriculturalists, they would 
easily sustain the inhabitants without needing imported 

This intimate connection with Syrian craftsmen and 
Syrian women altered the nature of Egyptian taste and 
feelings more profoundly than any influence since the 



[DYN. xvm. 6. 

foundation of the monarchy. In language, as is well 
known, Egypt became Semiticised. In writing, the old 
thick hieratic, which hardly changed from the earliest 
examples of the Vth dynasty down to Amenhotep I., 
suddenly took an entirely different character thin, 
flowing, and flourishing. In statuary the ideal type 
was quite new, and the small-featured and fascinatingly 

FIG. 94. Head of a servant of Khaemhat, XVIIIth dynasty. 

graceful faces such as that of Ptahmes II. in the 
Florence Museum, and of Zay in the Ghizeh Museum 
show that there was an entirely new element in the 
people. In flat relief a new taste appears, there is far 
more expression of emotion : the old Egyptian dealt 
with incident, the new Egyptian with emotions, the 
flowing postures of the bewitching dance, the girl who 

B.C. T 503-1449-] 


has had a drink of wine and is going off on tiptoe, 
tossing her head back and holding up her hands in 
delight (G. Mus., V.G. 171), the children following a 
funeral, and the neglected baby which one has put down 
clamouring to be taken up again (Neferhotep tomb) 
in all these the artist has given himself away in quite a 
new fashion. And in the small objects and manufac- 

Vundation of temple 

FIG. 95.- Head of a priestess, XVIIIth dynasty. 

tures as great a change appears ; types which were 
unaltered from the Xllth dynasty until Hatshepsut, 
vanish entirely, and new designs take their place. In 
the patterns of beads, in the mode of glazing, in the 
forms of dress, in the hairdressing, in the designs of 
furniture, and in the painting of the tombs, the new 
Egyptian left aside entirely the continuous traditions of 


[DYN. xvm. 6.] 

his forefathers. Having" once broken the old and 
gradually developing 1 system of ages, dazzled with the 
taste for incongruous novelties, the Egyptian found it 
impossible to regain the old life; and thus he passed 
feverishly from change to change, from worse to worse, 
until only archaistic revival was possible if an improve- 
ment was attempted, and finally all the arts became 
hopelessly degraded in the Greek period. 



I'HEO'AN v^l 





Toll el HesY JW J a ** stamp 

Bubastis * Scenes 6?ortering r ~~ 

Turra Stele of 4th year 

Nubt Blue glazed uas 

Medamot Pillar and lintel 

Karnak Wall and halls, between S. 

pylons, X-XI. 
Scene with king, front pylon 


9y Red granite stele 

99 Blocks re-used, before sanc- 

Re-erected columns by 


Ourneh Temple N. of Ramesseum 

Erment Block 

Stele of conquest, G. Mus. 

Silsileh Name 

Elephantine Block 


Aswan Khaemuas graffito 

Sehel Pa 'nehyamen graffito 

Bigeh Statue 

Kalabsheh Pronaos 

(B.M.C. 89). 
(C.N. ii. 291 ; Rec. 

Mil. 129). 

(C.N. ii. 180; M.K. 

(C.N. ii. 183; L.D. 

iii. 61). 

(C.N. ii. 185). ~- 
(C.N. ii. 140-4; 

M.K. v.). 
(M.K. 29). 

(L.D. iii. 62). 
(B. Rs. 201). 
(A.Z. iv. 33; V.G. 

(B!E. 258). 

(M.I. i. 115). 
(Rev. A. i. ii. 730). 
(M.I. i. 90,87). 
(M.D. 70, 5). 
(M.I. 1.95, 148). 
(C.N. 1 60; L.D. 

iii. 63 c). 
(C.M. 54 bis y i). 

CB.C. 144^-14230 AMENHOTEP II 


Ibrim Painted rock shrine 

5 (C.M. 39). 

1 (L.D. iii. 63 d). 

Amadeh Temple finishing; 

(L.D. iii. 65 a-c). 

Haifa, Wady Brick temple, sandstone 

(C.M. 2,7). 


Kummeh Temple scenes 

(L.D. iii. 64-67). 

Semneh Name in temple 

(My. E. 545) 

Sai Remains of temple 

(L.L. 237). 

Napata Temple mentioned 

(L.D. iii. 65 a). 


Before pylon IX. Karnak 

(B.E. 147). 

Granite Bigeh 

(C.N. 160). 

Kneeling- Beni Naga 

(L.D. iii. 70 a-d). 

Large kneeling- Turin 

(L.T, 1375). 

Headless, kneeling P. Mus. 

(S. h. 11). 

Body of seated Karnak 

(Ms. G. 426). 

Headless, seated Qurneh temple 

(G. Mus.). 

Foundation deposits Qurneh temple. 

Ushabtis Qurneh (dealers). 

Stele, king- adoring Amen Luxor (W.G. 376). 

Vase, foundation of temple Qurneh (I^. AVI. 30;. 

Paovru, 51;* j^s rans (Pap. Rollin, p. 23). 

leather roll, 5th year (A.Z. xii. 86). 

Mummy wrappings of Tahutmes III. (A.Z. xx. 132). 

Toilet box, Rhine! Coll., Edinburgh. 

Rings and scarabs : with mother (M.A. ii. 40 n). 

Queen TA'AA (A.Z. xxxi. 29). 

Sons Tahutmes IV., and 5 or 7 others (L.D. iii. 69 a). 

As no monuments are dated above the fifth year, it 
was thought that this reign must have been short, and 
not have occupied 25 years 10 months, as stated by 
Manetho. But the Lateran obelisk mentions that it 
was set up in this reign 35 years after it was abandoned, 
presumably at the death of Tahutmes III., who ordered 
it ; and as Tahutmes IV., who finished it, reigned 9 
years 8 months, it shows that Amenhotep II. must 
have reigned over 25 years and 4 months. In short, 
the obelisk pretty well guarantees all but six months of 
the two reigns of Amenhotep II. and Tahutmes IV,, as 
stated in Manetho, and must have been set up only just 
before the death of the latter king. And we see below 
that the reigns are too short, rather than too long 1 , for 



[DYN. XVIH. 7. 

the genealogy Lately the absolute proof of the length 
of reign has "been found on a wine jar dated in the 26th 
year of Amenhotep II., thus agreeing with Manetho. 

It appears that Amenhotep II. cannot have been of 
mature age at his father's death ; he is shown seated 
on his nurse's knee (L.D. iii. 62 c), and in the tomb of 
Ra at Qurneh, seated with his mother behind him 
(L.D. iii. 62 b) ; again in the great tomb with new year 

gifts (L.D. iii. 63), though 
the female figure behind the 
king is defaced, yet among 
the statues represented are 
many of the king, one of 
his mother, but none of any 
wife ; and also on a scarab 
found at Abydos his name 
is side by side with that of 
the " royal mother Meryt* 
ra"(M.A. ii. 40 n). Yet he 
ir.uct h:r ro be?n g*-own up, 
as in his third year he de- 
scribes his conquests in Asia 
on the stele at Amadeh 
(L.D. iii. 65 a). Hence we 
may probably assign the 
age of 1 8 to him on hris 
accession without erring far 
on either side. This implies 
that he was born when his 
father was about 51 ; and 
though it might seem very 

strange that no older son of the king was preferred, yet 
there are other cases of such choice. This selection of 
younger sons as successors is explained once in a way 
by the record of the succession of Solomon ; probably 
similar influences determined the affairs of the royal 
harim in Egypt. 

Soon after his accession, the young king went forth 
with his father's veterans to make a customary raid on 
Asia, and establish his renown. His personal exploits, 

FIG. 96. Amenhotep II. and his 

B.C. I449-I423-1 AMENHOTEP II 155 

though of no effect on the war, are chronicled at 
Thebes. The date of the affair is lost, but it must 
have been in the first and second years of his reign, 
because early in the third year a tablet was erected at 
Amadeh recording the victories. The record at Karnak 
begins by saying that the king went to some land, as 
to the city of Shemesh-atuma (in south Galilee) : " His 
Majesty there had success, His Majesty himself there 
made captives, for behold he was as a terrible lion*that 
puts to flight the country of ... nen . . . sakhu is 
his name. Account of that which His Majesty himself 
took in this day. Living prisoners Satiu 18, oxen 19. 

"The 26th day of Pakhons (ist year) passed His 
Majesty over the arm of water of Arseth (? Harosheth 
on the Kishon, Arseth LXX.) in this day. His Majesty 
passed over charging as the valour of Mentu of Thebes. 
His Majesty turned his head to examine the horizon 
(shading his eyes with his hand) ; behold His Majesty 
saw some Satiu coming on horses, then His Majesty 
went to attack. Behold His Majesty was armed with 
his weapons, and His Majesty fought like Set in his 
hour. They gave way when His Majesty looked at one 
of them, and they fled. His Majesty took all their 
goods himself, with his spear . . . and he took the 
Sati at the frontier, and spoiled him of all his arms. 
His Majesty returned in joy, his father Amen had given 
to him his prey. Account of what His Majesty took 
this day . . . arms of war, 4 ? bows, a quiver full of 
arrows with its leather band, and the goods. 

"The loth of Hathor (in 2nd year, nearly six months 
later) His Majesty went in peace this day to the town of 
Niy ; behold the Satiu of this town, men and women, 
were on the walls to adore His Majesty ..." (C.N. 
ii. 185; A.Z. xvii. 55, xxvii. 39; S.B.A. xi. 422). 
This expedition was of some importance to establish 
the power of the new reign ; it does not, however, 
-seem to have been a re-conquest, as were so many 
expeditions, but rather a promenade as far as the 
Euphratean frontier, to check what disaffection existed, 
and to assert the Egyptian power over the vassals, 

158 AA'KHEPERU -RA [DYN. xvm. 7. 

tablets of the empire at Naharina (North Syria) and in 
Kary (South Ethiopia). The occasion for this tablet 
appears to have been on reopening* the quarries of 
Turra for some public building- (V.P. iii. 94). 

In the Delta there is but an uncertain trace of this 
king in the three much-usurped granite columns found 
at Alexandria ; though probably from the Delta, there 
is no certainty about them (Rec. vii. 177). In Middle 
Egypt no remains of the reign have been recorded, 
except four scarabs at Gurob (P.K. xxiii. ; P.I. xxiii.). 
At Nubt, opposite Koptos, an immense uas of blue 
glaze was found in the temple (S. Kens. Mus.). At 
Medatnot, near Karnak, a pillar of red granite was 
seen (C.N. ii. 291), and a lintel also of red granite 
(Rec. vii. 129). 

At Karnak some small works were undertaken. The 
eastern wall joining the two southernmost pylons 
(X. XI.) was built, and the building of unusual type 
which stands in the middle of this wall. As it is 
neither temple nor palace, it has been suggested that 
this was a guard hall, or a resting-place of processions ; 
or it might have been an audience hall. The form is 
that of a colonnade front facing north - west, and 
behind it a great court of twenty pillars, flanked on either 
side by three chambers connected together. 

On the front of the pylon of Tahutmes I. (No. IX.)^ 
Amenhotep has inserted two scenes of his slaying his 
foes (L.D. iii. 61 ; C.N. ii. 183). Several blocks with 
his name were re-used by Sety II. in reconstructing the 
buildings before the granite sanctuary ; these are seen 
on the south side of the court with lotus pillars (C.N. 
ii. 140, 144), and in chamber I. (M.K. v.). He also re- 
erected the columns in the southern half of the hall 
containing Hatshepsut's obelisks (M.K. 29). Nothing 
strikes us as more extraordinary than the condition of 
injury and confusion in which the most important 
buildings of Egypt seem to have remained. The most 
imposing works stood amidst half ruined and unfinished 
halls for a whole reign ; other parts were walled off, to 
hide offensive memorials ; other structures were either 

B,C. 1449-1433-] AMENHOTEP II 


incomplete -or half ruined. This rage for alteration 
culminates under Ramessu II., with results fatal for 

At Qurneh the funeral temple of the king" stood 
next north of the Ramesseum. It was rearranged by 
Amenhotep III. for his daughter Sitamen. A statue 
and foundation deposits were found on the site. Until 
this latter temple was built, there was a regular 
chronological series of buildings from north to south ; 
Amenhotep's temple was near the end of Drah abul 
Negga, Tahutmes I. and II. built at Deir el Bahri. 
Tahutmes III., Amenhotep II., Tahutmes IV., and 
Amenhotep III. all follow in regular series southwards 
to the Kom el Hettan. 

At Erment a block was noticed by Brugsch (Reisab. 
201), and a large stele containing a copy of the 
inscription of the first half of the Amadeh tablet was 
found here, and is now at Vienna (A.Z. iv. 33). At 
Silsileh the king's name occurs by the tomb of Amatu 
(B.E. 258). A block at Elephantine shows that here 
again the king had been building or repairing temples 
(M.I. i. 115). An obelisk described by Prisse (Rev. 
Arch, i ser. ii. 2, 730) perhaps came from there also. 
Near Aswan are two graffiti of Kha'envuas (L.D. iii. 
63 b; M.I. i. 90, 87), and another adoration of the 
king with the name lost (M.I. i. 91, 103) ; while at 
Sehel is a graffito of Pa'nehyamen adoring the name 
of Amenhotep II., set on a stand (M.I. i. 95, 148). On 
the island of Bigeh, by Philae, is a granite colossus of 
a mummified form like Ptah (C.N. 160). 

In Nubia, work was continued actively in this reign. 
At Kalabsheh, on the pronaos, is a scene of the king 
offering to Min and to the Nubian god Merutru-hor-ra 
(C.M. 54 bis, i). At Ibrim is a painted rock shrine, 
showing Amenhotep enthroned in a pavilion, a feather- 
bearer before him and fan-bearer behind ; at the back 
of the pavilion is Sati ; before it comes a procession of 
men leading captive lions, greyhounds, and wolves. 
The inscription can still be read, naming 113 live wolves 
(C.N. i. 84; C.M. 39). Another scene here shows the 



[DYN. xvm. 7. 

king offering to Khnum, Sati, Anuke, Sopd, Hathor, 
and Nekhcb (L.D. iii. 63d). 

At Amadeh he appears to have finished the temple 
sculptures which were in progress at the death of his 
father ; and a short co-regency is indicated by two 
doorways which have the cartouches of Tahutmes III. 
and Amenhotep II. arranged evidently at the same 
time (L.D. iii. 65 b, c) ; while elsewhere the latter 
appears alone (d, e). The work was continued here 
till the 3rd year, at least, when the great historical 
tablet was engraved. 

FIG. 98. Kneeling statue of Amenhotep II. Berlin. 

At Wady Haifa the brick temple contained pillars of 
this king (C.M. 2, 7). At Kummeh the sculptures 
were also in progress at the death of Tahutmes III., 
whose name appears on the dividing bands, while the 
scenes are of Amenhotep II. offering to Khrium and 
Usertesen III. (L.D. iii. 64 b, 66). Two great door- 
ways are of Amenhotep II. (L.D. iii. 67). At Semneh 
his name appears in the temple (My. E. 545). At the 
island of Sai are remains of a temple of this time 
(L.L. 237). And the temple of Napata in Ethiopia is 
named on the Amadeh inscription as the place of 
execution of one of the Syrian princes. 

B.C. 1449-14*3-] AMENHOTEP II 161 

The statues of Amenhotep II. are less common than 
those of his father. A battered colossus in white 
limestone stands in front of pylon IX. at Karnak ; a 
very fine torso, with the nose and chin struck off, is 
also from Karnak (G. Mus.) ; and the mummiform 
colossus at Bigeh is in red granite. The seated 
Osiride statue of grey granite was found in his temple 
at Qurneh ; unfortunately the head is lost (G. Mus.). 
There are three kneeling statues holding a globular 
vase of offering in each hand ; one at Turin (L.T. 
1375), and smaller ones at Paris (Cat. sal. hist., p. n), 
and from Beni Naga, at Berlin (L.D. iii. 70). This 
attitude was apparently introduced for statuary by this 
king, as two other such images of him are figured 
in a tomb at Qurneh (L.D. iii. 63, 64). 

A stele with the king adoring Amen was in the 
" French House" at Luxor (W.G. 376). An alabaster 
vase, from a foundation deposit of the " temple of the 
west " at Thebes, is in Paris (Rec. xvi. 30). A papyrus, 
dated in the 5th year, on the iQth of Phamenoth, 
contains praises of Amenhotep II., saying that he was 
grown and instructed by the deities Shay and Renent 
(Pap. Rollin, 15, p. 23). The leather roll at Berlin 
concerning Usertesen founding the temple of Heliopolis 
is probably of this reign, and not of Amenhotep IV. 
(A.Z. xii. 86). On the mummy wrappings of Tahutmes 
III. is inscribed that "Amenhotep made his monu- 
ments of his father, Men'kheperra," referring to his 
embalming. A part of a beautiful toilet box of ebony 
and ivory bears the cartouches of this king : it was 
found by Rhind at Thebes (Edinburgh Museum). 

The scarabs and amulets of this reign show a new 
departure. Oval plaques, flat on both sides, and 
bearing figures, came much into use in this and the 
next reign, but disappear afterwards ; they were 
specially used for rings, in order to lie flat on the 
finger. Their disappearance is due to the increase of 
rings made all in one piece under Amenhotep III. 
Scroll work on the old pattern reappears at this time 
(P.Sc. 1097), and the base imitation of it by a row of 
n n 



[DVN. XVIH. 7. 

concentric circles. Another, and characteristic, device 
was that of two, four, or six uraei, arranged in pairs 
around the cartouche or an emblem. Sentences also come 
more into use on scarabs, such as "Amenhotep II., 
born at Memphis," " setting up obelisks in the house 

FIG. 99. Scarab with 
Amenhotep as a 
sphinx, hawk- 
headed, trampling 
on a captive. F. P. 

FIG. 100. Scarab with 
six uraei. Brit. 

FIG. 101. Scarab. 
1 'Aa * kheperu ra, 
born at Men'nefer" 
(Memphis). F.P. 

of Amen." " The good god, lion over Egypt, lord of 
might, giving life like the sun;" "lord of glories in 
the house of Amen," etc. The reference to his birth 
is of interest, as showing that the court probably 
resided at Memphis some time in his father's reign. 

The private monuments of this age are of great 
beauty and importance, often preserving records jaf 
public affairs in which the various officials were 
engaged, and particularly of the foreign tributes which 
they received for the king. The principal private 
works are as follow : 

Tomb of RA, husband of the king's nurse, high 
priest of Amen and of Tahutmes III. : contains a fine 
scene of the king and his mother Merytra, and also of 
the king on his nurse's lap (L.D. iii. 62). Many fine 
vases are shown in this tomb (P.A. 102). Qurneh. 

Tomb of HOREMHEB, a high official, with scenes of 
recruiting, receiving tribute, etc. ; and recording his 
devotion to Tahutmes III., to his son Amenhotep II., 
to his son Tahutmes IV., and to his son Amenhotep 
III. (M.A.F, v. 432). Qurneh, 

B.C. 1449-1423.] 



Tomb of PA*SAR, a follower of the king in all lands 
(B.E. 193). Qurneh. 

Tomb of AMEN'EM'HEB, with fine painting and im- 
portant historical inscription of his wars, quoted under 
the previous reign (M.A.F.). Qurneh. 

Tomb of SEN-NEFER and his sister Meryt (B.E.): he 
was " the noble of the south city/' i.e. Thebes ; and a 

FIG. 102. Glass and stone vases. Tomb of Ra. 

statue of him seated was found at Nubt (F. P. Coll.). 
A stele of a Sen*nefer, perhaps the same, adoring 
Amenhotep I., Nefertari, Tahutmes I. and III., 
Sa'paar, and Amenhotep II., is in Turin (L.T. 1455 ; 
Champ. Figeac Eg. Anc. pi. 67). Qurneh. 

Tomb of AMEN*EM*HAT at Silsileh (S.B.A. xii. 96). 

TombofAmen-ken (Qurneh), showing the mostsplendid 
drawings of a series of new year presents. Amenhotep 

164 AMENHOTEP II [DYN. xvm. 7. 

II. is seated ; with his wife or mother behind him, now 
destroyed. Before him is a splendid tree of goldwork 
of conventional forms (which were afterwards developed 
into the sacred tree of Assyria), and with monkeys 
climbing about it. A chariot of silver and gold and 
images of carved work in ebony are mentioned. Then 
come statues of Amenhotep II. and his ka, of Tahutmes 
I. and his ka (which are dark), eight of Amenhotep II., 
and one of Hatshepset Merytra. Then seven sphinxes 
of the king, two kneeling statues holding, altars, and 
two kneeling statues with vases, all of the king. Then 
come rows of collars of jewellery, of shields, quivers, 
coats of scale armour, daggers, axes, and a gazelle, 
an oryx, and an ibex, on stands. The materials of the 
following objects are specified : 330 leather quivers, 680 
leather shields, ebony throw-sticks with gold ends and 
silver handles, 220 whips of chased gold and ebony, 
2 pelican heads of bronze, 140 bronze daggers, 360 
falchions of bronze, a mirror of carved ebony, variegated 
glass vases, a throne, feather fans, etc. (L.D. iii. 
63 a, 64 a). (See Additional Notes.) 

Other private remains are a stele of Nebua at Abydos 
(M.A. ii. 33 a) ; a kneeling statue of Anher, a priest of 
Anher at Abydos (M.A. 372) ; a group of Kha'envuas 
and his wife in the Vatican (W.G. 376) ; probably the 
same man whose graffiti occur at Sehel ; stele o~ 
Nefer'hebt'f, second prophet of Amenhotep II. (B. 
Mus.), and cones of his (M.A.F. viii. 277, 55) ; and a 
piece of a granite statue of a general of Amenhotep 
(F. Mus., S. Cat. F. 1504). 

The queen of Amenhotep II., Ta*aa, is recorded on a 
double statue of her and her son Tahutmes IV. She is 
called " royal mother and wife," showing her to be his 
mother (A.Z. xxxi. 29). She could not have been his 
wife, as the mother of Amenhotep III. is known to 
have been Mut'envua, so it is impossible that another 
" royal mother " could have been wife of Tahutmes IV. 
This is important, as otherwise, from' her figure in the 
tomb of Thenuna (C.N. 481) being only entitled royal 
wife, along with Tahutmes IV., it was naturally 

ft c 1449-14*3.1 PRIVATE MONUMENTS 165 

supposed that she was the wife of him, and not of his 
father, Amenhotep II., as was really the case. Her 
son Tahutmes IV. is stated to be son of Amenhotep 
II. in the tomb of Horenvheb (M.A.F. v. 434). A 
princess, Amen'errrapt, is shown on the knee of 
Horemheb in his tomb ; but as he lived through four 
reigns, we cannot settle her position (M.A.F. v. 434). 
Probably there were five or seven other sons of Amen- 
hotep II. ; for in the tomb of the tutor of Tahutmes 
IV., Hek'erneheh (L.D. iii. 69 a), where Tahutmes is 
a boy on the tutor's knee, there are several other king's 
sons represented ; unhappily all their names have been 
erased, and from the absence of any other mention of 
them, it would seem as if their royal brother was 
unkind to their memory, if not to themselves, 


1 .1111111, MJJi i 


I 1414 B.C. 


Sarbut el Khadem (My. E. 351). 

Alexandria Columns (Rec. vii. 178). 

Gizeh Stele of sphinx (L.D. iii. 68). 

Abydos Statue (M.A. 350). 

Dendera Fragment (D.D. iii. b). 

Karnak Scene on pylon IV. (M.K. 28). 

,, List on wall round (M.K. xxxiii.). 


,, Colossus before pylon (W.G. 378). 

8urneh Temple S. of Ramesseum. 

uxor Scene in birth-hall (M.A.F. xv. 204). 

El Kab Building of small (L.D. iii. Sob). 


Elephantine Fragments (M.I. i. 115). 

Konosso Steles (L.D. iii. 696? M.L i. 

66, 68, 69, 73). 

Sehel Stele (M.I. i. 90). 

Amadeh In temple (C.M. 44, 45, 59 } L.D. 

iii. 69f~i). 
Scarabs, rings, uza eyes, etc. 



[DYN. xvm. 8. 

Queens MuT'EM'UA Luxor 

Sons Tahutmes 

Amenhotep III. 

(M.A.F. xv. 63-7). 
Bark, B. Mus. (A.B. 34). 
Konosso (L.D. iii. 696). 

Scarab (W.G. 378). 

Tomb (M.A.F. v. 432), 

But few public monuments refer to the history of this 
reign. The first reference to the new king is on a 
great tablet which he erected between the paws of the 
Sphinx at Gizeh. He there relates an adventure of his 
youth. After the usual titles and religious formalities, 
we read : " He once went afield, pleasing his counten- 
ance, on the desert of the Memphite nome, upon its 

FIG. 103. Boy shooting at a target. 

borders north and south, for shooting at a target with 
copper (arrows). And he hunted the lions and the 
gazelles of the desert, riding in his chariot, his horses 
swifter than the wind, with two of his followers, and no 
man knew of them. 

" Once came an hour of giving rest to his followers, 
. . then the sphinx of Khepra, great and exalted, 
rested in this place, great of spirits, most highly 
revered, for to him was given the temples of Memphis 
and of every town upon both sides. Their hands 
adored his presence with great offerings for his ka. 
One of these times it came to pass a journey was made 
by the king's son Tahutmes, journeying upon the time 
of noon. A rest he made in the shadow of this god, 

B.C. 1423-1414.1 TAHUTMES IV t6; 

sleep fell upon him, dreaming in slumber in the moment 
when the sun was overhead. Found he the majesty of 
this noble god, talking to him by his mouth, speaking 
like the talk of a father to his son, saying, * Look thou 
at me ! Behold thou me ! my son Tahutmes, I am 
thy father, Horenvakht, Khepra, Ra, and Turn, 
giving to thee the kingdom. On thee shall be placed 
its white crown and its red crown, on the throne of Seb 
the heir. There is given to thee the land in its length 
and its breadth, which is lightened by the bright eye of 
the universal lord. Provision is before thee in the two 
lands, and the great gifts of all foreign lands, and the 
duration of a great space of years. My face is towards 
thee, my heart is towards thee. . . . The sand of the 
desert on which I am reaches to me, spoiling me ; 
perform thou that which is in my heart, for I know 
that thou art my son who reverences me ; draw near, 
and behold I am with thee.' " The rest of the tablet is 
nearly all destroyed by the scaling of the surface, and 
only fragments remain, one of which names king 

Here we see how the young prince spent his youth in 
hunting and field sports, up in the desert with a couple 
of followers, lost to the sight of man ; this account, and 
that of the noonday rest in the shadow, are most 
lifelike phrases to anyone who knows desert wandering. 

In the first year of his reign, then, the king ordered 
this tablet to be set up, in memory of his dream and 
his clearing of the Sphinx from sand. No great respect 
was shown for the work of Khafra, as the block taken 
for the inscription was a granite lintel stolen from the 
temple of Khafra close by. And although the name of 
Khafra occurs in this inscription, yet, owing to the 
unfortunately broken state of it, there is nothing to 
show whether the Sphinx was attributed to Khafra, 
whether it was said to be by the side of the temple of 
Khafra, or in what way the connection with Khafra is 

From a stele of Amenhotep, a follower of the king, 
we learn of his campaigns in the north in Naharina, 

168 MEN-KHEPRU-RA tow. xvm. i 

and in the south to Kari (B. Mus., S.I. 93). And his 
first campaign was against . . . a (probably Naharina), 
as inscribed on the east face of the wall built around 
the obelisk of Hatshepsut (M.K. 33). Another frag- 
ment mentions a campaign against the Kheta (B.H. 

The VI th year is named in the tomb of Duy (C.N. 

In the Vllth year, on Phamenoth 8, is dated a rock- 

FIG. 104, Head of Tahutmes IV. 

cut stele at Konosso, with a queen standing behind the 
king, referring to his smiting the Nubians. 

In the Vlllth year is dated a long stele at Konosso, 
on Phamenoth 2, mentioning" his smiting* Wawat (M.I. 
i. 66). 

It appears, then, that the earlier years of his reign 
were occupied with asserting his power in Syria, and 
in the later years Nubia occupied his attention. He 
died after reigning 9 years and 8 months, according* to 

Turning now to the details of his monuments. He 

B.C. 1423-14*4.1 TAHUTMES IV 169 

continued the work at the Sinaitic mines, where his 
name is found at Sarbut el Khadem (My. E. 351). The 
columns found at Alexandria (Rec. vii. 178), now at 
Vienna, may have come from some work in the Delta. 

Gizeh was then a deserted group of pyramids and 
tombs in the desert, as it is now ; and the action of the 
king in clearing the Sphinx must have made a revival 
of attention to the region. The tablet was, however, 
merely taken from the neighbouring temple, and no 
great works were ordered for this business. It is 
remarkable to see how completely the old tied lotus 
flowers of the I Vth dynasty had dropped out of know- 
ledge by this time ; their nature was forgotten, and a 
senseless imitation of them was made, copied from the 
old work which was to be seen in this neighbourhood. 

FIG. 105. Original group of FIG. 106. Modification of 

tied lotus flowers. group. Tahutmes IV. 

At Abydos a torso of a statue in white silicious lime- 
stone was found, with the name on the girdle (M.A. 
350). At Dendera a fragment of his work remains 
(D.D. Hi. b). 

Karnak was not honoured by any building of this 
king, but he engraved scenes on a gateway added to 
the entrance of pylon IV. The south jamb and the 
lintel has gone ; but on the north jamb, on its west and 
north sides, are his inscriptions. Mariette, however, 
from the workmanship, regards this part as having 
been re-engraved by Shabaka (M.K. p. 28; L.D. Hi. 
69 d). On the east face of the wall which Tahutmes 
III. had built up around Hatshepsut's obelisk, to hide 


her inscription, this king added a list of donations to 
Amen, on his return from his first campaign ; and he 
mentions statues of his grandfather and himself. He 
also set up a colossus of himself before the pylon of 
Tahutmes I. (W.G. 378). At Qurneh was the funeral 
temple, now destroyed, of which fragments of sculpture 
and part of a colossal head were found. 

At Luxor, though Mut'envua the queen often appears 
in connection with the infancy of her great son, yet the 
king is not shown, as the paternity of Amenhotep III. 
is ascribed directly to the god Amen (M.A.F. xv. fig. 

At El Kab the small temple was begun by this king, 
though finished by his son, who says: "Behold this 
was made by the majesty the king Maa'neb'ra, beauti- 
fying monuments of his father the good god Men* 
khepnrra, named everlasting and eternal" (L.D. iii. 

At Elephantine his name appears on some fragments 
of the temples (M.I. i. 115). At Konosso are four 
memorials of this reign ; the king appears smiting the 
negroes before the gods of Nubia, Dedun and He, 
while behind him stands a queen, who was royal 
daughter, sister, and wife (L.D. iii. 69 b) ; her name is 
written with the uraeus on neb^ and is read Ar*at ; but 
as this is the only trace of her existence, it may be that 
this is merely an idiogram for the " goddess queen," 
and may refer to Mut'envua. Beside this, there is a 
long inscription of forty lines, of which the first twenty- 
three are published (M.I. i. 66) ; another inscription, 
unpublished (I.e. 68) ; a double cartouche (I.e. 69) ; and 
a scene of Khnum and Min, carved by the divine father 
Ha*ankh*f*, and the suten rekh Neb'ankh (I.e. 73). At 
Sehel is another graffito of the king's son Mes (Lc. 84). 

At Amadeh, Tahutmes IV. worked considerably 
(C.N. i. 96-100) ; the architraves bear his inscriptions 
(L.D. iii. 69 f) : other inscriptions and a scene of his 
are also published (69 g, h, i), and a figure of the king 
(C.M. 45, 6). 

Of small remains there are many scarabs, rings, etc. 



The most important is one with the figure of his son, 
Prince Tahutmes (Tyszkiewicz Coll., W.G. 378); others 
bear the usual adulation of this age, "rich in glories, " 

FIG. 107. Scarab of 
Tahutmes IV., 
" mighty in glories. " 
P.P. Coll. 

FIG. 108. Scarab of 
Tahutmes IV. , 
monuments." F.P. 

FIG. 109. Green 
glaze ring, Tahut- 
mes IV. F.P. Coll. 

"the glory of all lands," and "establishing monu- 
ments." A green glazed pottery ring of his is the 
earliest such ring known. 

The private works of this reign are finer than the 
public remains. The principal tombs are those of 

Thenuna y fan-bearer, with figures of the king and of 
his mother Ta'aa (C.N. 480-1, 829). Qurneh. 

Amenhotep and his wife Roy, with designs of a 
sculptor chiselling a royal statue, and the king's name 
by a second statue ; also scribes weighing gold, and 
many figures of collars, boxes, vases, etc. (C.N. 480; 
C.M. cliv. 3 ; cxci.). Qurneh. 

Zanuni) with scenes of conscription, and of various 
soldiers, some bearing square banners with designs of 
wrestlers, and of the king's name with titles, such as 
"lord of his might," and "lord of strength " (C.N. 
484; C.M. clvii.). He states that he took a "census 
of the land to its bounds before His Majesty, an inspec- 
tion of all things, soldiers, priests, royal -serfs, artisans 
of all the country, and of all cattle, all fowls, and all 
small cattle, by the scribe of troops, loved of His 
Majesty, Zanuni " (Rec. iv. 130). A stele of this officer 
is also preserved (T. Mus.; Rec. iv. 129). Qurneh. 

Hor'em 'heb> a magnificent tomb, with family scenes ; 



YN. XVIII. 8. 

groups of the conscription and registration ; lines of 
foreigners bearing tribute, both Asiatics and negroes ; 
and long processions, with all the varieties of the 
funeral furniture (M.A.F. v. 413). Qurneh. 

x, a fan-bearer : scenes of census-taking, but much 
destroyed (C.N. 497-8). 

Piayi chief prophet and follower of Tahutmes IV., 
keeper of the boats of Amen in the palace of Tahutmes 
IV. (C.N. 518-9). Qurneh. 

Hek'er'neheh, tutor of prince Amenhotep (= A. III.), 
and of five or seven other sons of the king whose 
names are erased (L.D. iii. 69 a ; C.N. 569). Qurneh.. 

FIG. no. Tahutmes IV. giving the hotep offering to Osiris for Thuna. 

Objects are known in this reign of 

Smen sheps y a fan-bearer, and Hesifna his wife, stele, 
P. Mus. (P.R. ii. 35). 

Pa'aa'aku, a fan-bearer, and adorer of Amenhotep I., 
stele, P. Mus. (P.R. ii. 14). 

Nefer'hat, a follower, stele, with king offering to 
Nut, Abydos (M.A. 1060 ; M.A. ii. 47); 

Thundy fan-bearer, seal-bearer, companion, etc., a 
stele, with the king offering to Osiris for the deceased, 

B.C. I423-14H-1 



a real suten du hotep scene, Abydos (M.A. 1061 ; M.A. 
ii. 48). Another stele at Stockholm (Lb.D. 590). 

Amenhotep) high priest of Anhur; and the singer of 
Anhur, Kent, B. Mus. (Lb.D. 602). 

Thenau, "fan-bearer behind the king the noble of 
princes. " Scarab, P. Mus. (P.R. ii. 127). 
-Ramery, palette, B. Mus. 

FIG. in. Queen Mutemua. 

The king was also adored by 

HorameS) under Horemheb (?) (C.N. 517-8). 

Nefer 1 em* hotep. Turin stele. 

Rany y priest of his statue, whose south-east tomb 
boundary is known. 

x, under Amenhotep III. offering to Tahutmes IV. 
(C.N. 499). 


The family of this king is obscure. We only have 
one queen, the celebrated Mut-envua, certainly attested. 
The other queen usually ascribed here, and named Arat, 
might, as we have noticed, read only "the goddess 
queen," and refer thus to Mut'envua ; this is the more 
likely, as the supposed Arat was "great royal wife," 
like Mut'envua. This name is only found on the 
Konosso stele of the yth year, and therefore too far on 
in the reign to have been an earlier chief wife than 
Mut'envua (L.D. iii. 69 e). Of Mut'envua, or " Mut 
in the sacred bark," there is a fine sacred bark of 
granite, 7 feet long, with her name and titles around 
it (B. Mus. A.B. 34). It seems not unlikely that this 
belonged to the temple of Luxor, where she is specially 
honoured and worshipped as the mother of Amen- 
hotep III. (M.A.F. xv. 63-67). 

Of sons there is Amenhotep the successor and 
another son, Tahutmes, named on a scarab, as we 
have mentioned. 




Tomb, W. valley of kings 'tombs (L.D. iii. 78, 79) 

(M.A.F. iii. 174) 

Rhodes Scarab of Amenhotep 8.8.316). 

Gaza Two alabaster vases Pal. Exp. Fund). 

Sarbut el Khadem Two steles, 36th year L.D. iii. 71 c, d). 

Bubastis Four private statues N.B. 31-33). 

Benha Agathodaimon slab (M. 0.630). 

Turrah Two steles, ist& 2nd year L.D. iii. 71 a, b). 

Memphis Slab. G. Mus. V.G. 230). 

,, Apis tomb M.S. Ms. 117). 

Gurob Altar of Tyi P.I. xxiw 7). 

Box lid (P.I. xxiv. 8). 

,, Kohl tube (P.I. xvii, 20). 

[B.C. i 



Howarte by Minieh Stone 

El Bersheh Stele ist year 

Meshaikh Temple 

Rayaneh Fort 

Dendera Adoration scene, late 

Karnak Mentu temple, N. 

(My. E. 406). 
(S.B.A. ix. 195, 206). 
(S.B.A. vii. 172). 
(My. E. 426). 
(D.D. iv. c). 
(C.N. ii. 271-2; 

M.K. p. 8). 
(M.K. pi. i). 
(M.K. p. 14). 
(M.K. p. 26). 
(M.K p. 57; pi. 

Colossus before pylon XI. (M.K. pi. 2). 

Small temple E. of it 
Avenue, 122 sphinxes 
Pylon III. 


Kom el Hettan 



Deir el Medineh 
El Kab 

Silsileh, E. 


Aswan quarry 


Pylon VIII., name 
Building S, name 
Temple of Mut, T. 
Great temple 
Avenue of sphinxes. 

Stele, black granite. 

Stele, white limestone. 


Small temple E. 



Altar, 35th year 

Stele, part 

Temple destroyed 




Stele 5th year 

(B.Rs. 184). 
(C. N. ii. 180). 
(M.K. p. 15). 
(L.D. iii. 73-4). 

(L.D. iii. 72). 
(D.E. ii. 21-22; My. 
E. 464). 

(B.I.H.D. xxix.). 
(L.D. i. loo ; iii. 80). 
(C.N. i. 266). 
(S.B.A. xi. 233-4). 
(L.D. 81 a-e). 
(L.D. 81 f). 
(D.E. i. 34-8). 
(M.I. i. 120). 
(M.I. i. 62). 
(M.I. i. 62). 
(L.D. iii. 81 g). 
(L.D. iii. 81 h). 
(C.M. 95, 4). 
(L.D. iii. 82 a). 

5th year 
(Other graffiti, see private monuments.) 

Inscription. B. Mus. (Arch. Jour. viii. 399). 
Temple (L.D. iii. 83-8). 

Temple to Tyi (L.D. iii. 82 e-i). 

VT . ,) Two rams. Berl. Mus. (L.D. iii. 89, 90 a-c). 

Napata removed I B of hawk . Ber i. Mus . L-D . ui . ^^Q. 

B . Mus . (L.A. .3 A.B.). 

(Rec. xi. 212). 





Kom el Hettan 
Before pylon XI. 

(D.E. ii. 21-22). 
(M.K. pi. 2), 

1 76 NEB -M AAT 'R A [DYK. xvm. 9, 

Colossus Base, granite. P. Mus. (R.M.L. 37). 

A. 18 

Statues White limestone. G. Mus. (Ms. G. 422). 

Black granite. Thebes (B. Mus.). 
White limestone. Qurnet Murrai. 
Medinet Habu. 

Base. Avignon (W. G. 388). 

Portraits Tomb of king (C.M. ccxxxii.; C.N. 

ii. 704; L.D. iii. 
70 e). 

Ushabtis. Paris. P.P. Coll. (S.B.A. xi. 421). 

Group of Amenhotep and Tyi. Saurma Coll. (W.G. 389). 
Sphinx, Karnak (C.N. ii. 272). 

Acad. St. Petersburg (Lb. P. 61). 

Sekhet statues, temple of Mut. 

Ptah, standing, diorite. T. Mus. (L.T. No. 86). 

Ptah, seated, limestone. T. Mus. (L.T. No. 87). 

Anpu, seated, basalt. Sabatier (Rec. xiv. 54). 

Wooden tablet, with Haremakhti. B. Mus. (P.L. No. 344). 
Wooden label, with titles. T. Mus. (Rec. iii. 127). 

Wooden stamp (?), not yet engraved. T. Mus. (Phot. 292). 
Ostrakon, letter of palace-keeper. B. Mus. (B.I.H.D. xiii.). 
Ostraka on coronation-day. B. Mus. (B.I.H.D. xv.). 

Papyrus, copied from a roll. B. Mus. (A.Z. ix. 104, 117). 

Papyrus, medical. B. Mus. (A.Z. ix. 61). 

Stick. Leyden (I. 82). 

Ivory inlayinef. box handle. B. Mus. ) /A , T ... ^ 

inscribed strip. B. Mus. | (Arch. Jour. vm. 396). 

Inlaying from boxes, tomb. G. Mus. (M.D. 36 a). 

Kohl tubes, wood. P. Mus. 

,, ,, with Tyi. P. Mus. G. Mus. (Ms. G. 95). 

,, ,, ,, T. Mus. (Rec. iii. 127; phot. 

161). , 

,, glazed, with Hent'ta'neb (P.I. xvii. 20). 

Glazed tubes. Temple of Amenhotep II, 
Glazed jar, polychrome, with Tyi. G. Mus. (V.G. 747). 
Vase, blue, double cylinder. B. Mus. 
,, alabaster. Leyden. 

,, pottery. P. Mus. (P.L. 361). 

,, glazed, with Tyi, P. Mus. (P.L. 362). 

Dish. G. Mus. 
ScarabsMarriage with Tyi. E. Coll. (R.P. xii. 39). 

Arrival of Kirgipa , (A.Z. xviii. 82 ; Rec, 

xv. 200). 

Slaying 102 lions. E. Coll. (R.P. xii. 40). 

Making great tank (A.Z, xv. 87). 

Scarabs, with titles, etc. 
Rings, beads, etc. 

Queens TYI, daughter of Yuaa and Thuaa (A.Z. xviii. 82). 
Cartouche in quarry. Tell el Amarna (P.A. 4, xlii.). 



Ushabti, alabaster 

Toilet case. Turin 

Figure with son. Tell el Amarna 

Trial piece. Tell el Amarna. P.P. Coll. 

Adored as Osirian 

(Frequently with Amenhotep III. on 

statues, scenes, scarabs, etc.). 
Scarabs, rings, etc 

KlRGiPA or Gilukhipa 
Sons Tahutmes 

Amenhotep IV. 
Daughters Ast. Soleb 

Henfmer'heb. Soleb 
Hent*ta*neb. Gurob 
Sat'amen, box. B. Mus. 
stele. G. Mus. 
dish. A. Mus. 
Bakt'aten, daughter of Tyi 

(D.E.V. 60, *). 
(Rec. iii. 127). 
(L.D. iii. roo c). 
(P.A. i. 6). 
(Pap. T. xii. 7). 

(A.Z. xviii. 82). 
(L.K. 385). 
(L.D. iii. loo c). 
(L.D. iii. 86 b). 
(L.D. iii. 86 b). 
(P.I. xvii. 20). 
(Arch. Jour. viii. 397). 
(M.A. ii. 49). 
(P.A. xiii. 16). 
(L.D. iii. 100 a, c, 

We have seen from the presumptive dates that Amen- 
hotep III. was probably only 16 at his father's death. 
There would be much 
difficulty in supposing 
him to have been born 
earlier in the family 
history ; and yet, as 
his lion-hunting began 
in the ist year of his 
reign, we can scarcely 
place his age at any- 
thing less. Again, his 
birth is the great sub- 
ject of the temple he 
built at Luqsor, and 
his mother Mut'envua 
is the prominent figure 
in those scenes, point- 
ing to her being 
important as queen- 
mother in the early 
part of his reign, and 

his infancy being then still a well-remembered subject. 
No mention appears of his celebrated, brilliant, and 
n 12 

FIG. ii2, Youthful head of 
Amenhotep III. 



[DYK. XVIH. 9. 

much -loved queen Tyi, until the loth year of his 
reign ; and he married another Mesopotamian princess, 
Kirgipa, or Gilukhipa, in the same year, which 
would well agree to his being about 25 then. Another 

32 *r. 

FIG. 113. Amenhotep and his ka. 

sign of his youth is that he is represented as king with 
the boy's side-lock of hair, and there is no expedition 
of his until the 5th year, when he would have been 
about 20. The various indications thus agree to the 
presumptive age which I have stated. 


Born at Thebes, scarab (P.P. Coll.). 
1st year, Epiphi 13, Amenhotep was crowned 
(Ostrakon 5637 B.M.; see B.I.H.D. xv. 2): 
age about 16. . 

1st year, Epiphi 20 + x, quarry opened at El 

Bersheh (S.B.A. ix. 195, 206). 
1st year, quarry opened at Turrah (L.D. iii. 71 a). 
Ilnd year, quarrying at Turrah (L.D. iii. 71* b). 
Illrd year, black granite stele (G. Mus.). 
Vth year, expedition to Ethiopia (stele, Konosso, 
L.D. iii. 82 a, and stele erected Athyr 2, 
at Aswan, L.D. iii. 81 g): age about 21. 

B.C. I4I4-I379-] 



Xth year, lion-hunt record (R.P. xii. 40): 102 

slain between ages about 16 to 26. 
Xth year, marriage with Kirgipa, and already 
married to Tyi (A. Z. xviii. 82): age about 26. 
XI th year, Athyr 16, festival, tank inscription 

(A.Z. xv. 87). 

Xlth year, Khoiak 6, decree of building temple, 
Deir el Medineh (late copy in B.M., see 
B.I.H.D. 29). 

XlVth year, Papyrus Turin (Pap. T. p. 7). 
XXX Vth year, Pakhons i, altar at Silsileh (L.D. iii. 81 c). 
XXXVIth year, Mekhir 9, steles at Sarbut el Khadem 

(L.D. iii. 71). 

It does not appear that this king undertook any 
great wars after the Ethiopian campaign in his 5th 
year. The condition of the kingdom seems to have 
been one of acknowledged supremacy abroad, and 
peaceful development at home. Tahutmes I. had 

FIG. 114. Chariot of Khaemhat. 

broken the power of Syria ; Tahutmes III. had 
thoroughly grasped that country. He had taken the 
sons of the chiefs to be educated in Egypt ; and as 
the Egyptian kings married Syrian princesses, it is 
most probable that the sons of the Syrian chiefs were 

i8o AMENHOTEP III IDYN. xvm. 9. 

married to Egyptians at the close of their education. 
It was only stipulated that they should be restored to 
their homes to succeed their fathers ; and thus they 
may have lived until middle life in Egypt. In this 
way, the rulers of Syria were assimilated in thoughts 
and ways to the suzerain power, and were very 
unlikely to attempt to be independent. The corre- 
spondence of the cuneiform tablets shows that the 
northern kingdom of Mitanni and Karduniyas were 
in close diplomatic and family connection with Egypt ; 
and no troubles appear to have disturbed the empire 
until late in the reign of Akhenaten. The reign of 
Amenhotep III. was thus free for commercial extension 
and the cultivation of the arts ; and we find in it the 
greatest activity in this direction. 

The reign began with the execution of some large 
buildings during the minority of the young king ; and 
the quarries of Turrah (L.D. iii. 71; A.Z. v. 91) and 
El Bersheh (S.B.A. ix. 195) were opened for the 
fine limestone, of which so much was used, but which 
has almost all disappeared in the limeburners' kilns. 
The amusement of the young ruler was lion-hunting, 
and this he kept up most actively until his marriage 
in the roth year of his reign, slaying 102 lions in tea 
years (R.P. xii. 40). His first and only recorded war 
was in the middle of this, his athletic age. He went 
out to the limits of the Egyptian power, and smote 
many tribes whose names never appear before or after. 
The tablets about the cataracts mention his victories ; 
and in the land of Abeha alone he took 740 prisoners, 
and slew 312 more of the negroes (Semneh tablet, 
B. Mus.). We must not, however, assume that every 
tribe figured on the monument as a captive had been 
recently subjugated ; in this reign we find at Soleb 
figures of the Syrian peoples, of Naharina, Kedesh, and 
other parts, where the Egyptians appear to have been 
in peaceful political occupation as a suzerain power. 
The figure of a captive town or people only implies the 

B.C. I4I4-1379-] 



submission of that region to the Egyptian power. At 
Soleb the Syrian figures are named Kefa, Khit . . , , 
Sengar, Tares, Qarqamish, Asur, Apthethna, Makaut- 
uash, and Mehpeni ; all these are with a fillet on the 
head and long hair. The other Syrian type is with 
close-cut hair and no fillet, found in Naharina, Kedshi, 
Pah . . . , Tita, Arerpaq, and Kedina. Names which 
have lost the figures are Tanepu and Aka..rita; and 
perhaps western districts in Sekhet Am, Menaunu 
Setet, Matnun, Tahennu, Asha . . . , Sekhet Am. 
Of the southern and negro peoples appear Matur, 
. . . nutaa, Azenunian, Samanurika, Kary, Maitariaa, 
Katha . . . , May, Fuersh . . . , Narkihab, Taro- 
benika, Tarosina, Aken . . . , Manuareb, Mataka . . . , 
Abhat, Akina, Serenyk, Aururek, Atermaiu, Maiu, 
Gureses, the Sunuga, Ayhatab, Akhenuthek, Tartar, 
and Tursu. Of the Red Sea region are Shasu and 
Punt, and probably allied to this Aar .... This list 
shows the power of the king, ruling from Karo to 
Naharina, from Abyssinia to northern Mesopotamia. 

His marriage in or before the loth year of his reign 
was a great turning-point in his history. These Syrian 
marriages were so influential in the royal family of 
Egypt, that it is well to notice them carefully. From 
the Tell el Amarna tablets we can glean the following 
table of relationships : 

Kings of Karduniyas 
Karaindash 16 

Kings of Egypt Kings ofMitanni 

Sitatama u 


Tahutmes IV. 1 ^daughter 11 Stitharna 11 

Dushratta 4 


Kallimmasin 13 sister 18 


daughter 13 asked by Amenhotep IIt. 4 = Gilukhipa 4 
Kurigalzu 1<7 
Burnaburyas 16 

daughter 16 offered to Amenhotep IV. 10 - n = Tadukhipa 10 - n 
The numbers refer to the summaries of the letters in the chapter 
on the Decline of Egypt in Syria. 



[DYN. xvin. 9. 

The marriage to Gilukhipa, daughter of Su , . . 
in letter n, is evidently that described on the large 
scarab, when "the daughter of the chief of Naharina, 
Satharna, even Kirgipa and the principal of her women, 
females 317," came into Egypt (A.Z. xviii. 82). As on 

FIG. 115. Head of Tyi. 

FIG. 116. Head of man of 

the same scarab Tyi, daughter of Yuaa and Thuaa, is 
named as the great queen of Amenhotep, it is evident 
that Kirgipa cannot be an earlier name of Tyi. Who 
then was Tyi? Her face (P.A. i. 6) bears a strong^ 
likeness to that of her son Akhenaten 
(P.A. i. 5, 10), and differs from any 
type seen before in Egypt. There is, 
however, a close resemblance between 
this type and that of a man of Ynua 
or Ynuamu among the captives on 
the north wall of the Great Hall at 
Karnak (misnamed Mitanni, P.A. i. 2). 
This city appears to have been in the 
FIG. 117. Head of region of Tyre, and so this type may 
Nefertiti. belong to northern Galilee. Another 

clue, however, may be in the type 
of Nefertiti, the wife of Amenhotep IV. Her face 
(P.A. i. 15) has much the same features as that of 

B.C. I4I4-1379-] HISTORY OF REIGN 183 

Tyi, insomuch that both are probably of the same race. 
And it is most probable that Nefertiti is the other 
name of Tadukhipa, the daughter of Dushratta, as no 
other queen ever appears with Amenhotep IV. This 
would connect Tyi with the race of Dushratta in 
Mitanni. In either case, we must conclude that Tyi 
belonged to northern Syria. The nationality of her 
parents has been much disputed ; their names, however, 
may as easily be Egyptian as foreign. But her titles are 
noticeable; she is called hent-taui, " princess of both 
lands," and " chief heiress, princess of all lands" 
(L.D. iii. 82 g), just as Nefertiti is called hent res meh, 
nebt taut, ' ' princess of south and north, lady of both 
lands. " These titles seem to imply hereditary right ; 
indeed, it is very doubtful if a king could reign except 
as the husband of the heiress of the kingdom, the right 
to which descended in the female line like other pro- 
perty. Now we can see that the daughter of Dush- 
ratta, Tadukhipa = Nefertiti, would very probably be in 
the Egyptian royal line ; Dushratta's application for a 
princess rather later is recorded (letter 28), and it is 
most likely that the Mitannian kings had Egyptian 
princesses, as the Egyptian kings had Mitannian 
princesses. Hence Nefertiti would be a rightful 
heiress of the Egyptian throne ; and, similarly, Tyi 
may easily have been the grand - daughter of an 
Egyptian king and queen, her mother Thuaa having 
been married to some north Syrian prince Yuaa. 
Thus she would have the right to be a " princess of 
both lands " ; her name might be Egyptian ; and she 
would rightfully fill the prominent place she did in 
Egypt ; while her physiognomy would be Syrian. 
This view cannot be yet proved, but it certainly 
fulfils all the conditions closely. 

There can be little doubt of the powerful influence of 
queen Tyi ; she appears closely associated with the 
king on his monuments, her figure is seen side by side 
with his on scarabs, her name appears along with the 
Idng's on innumerable objects, a temple was built in her 
honour at Sedeinga, and she acted as regent for her 



[DYN. xvm. 9. 

FIG. 1 1 8. Young head of Amenhotep 111. 

son during 1 his minority, when letters were addressed 
to her by Dushratta (letter 9). Her evident influence 

on her young son 
shows in what direc- 
tion she had been 
turning affairs during 
her husband's reign ; 
and the peculiar taste 
and style, the rich 
decoration, and the 
new ideas which 
blossomed out under . 
Amenhotep IV., 
guided by his mother, 
can be seen rising 
and budding under 
the reign of the 
great king Amen- 
hotep III., inspired by his wife's influence. 

Immediately after his marriage, we find the king 
engaged in public works ; in the nth year, on Athyr 
ist, he " ordered to make a tank of the great royal wife 
Tyi in the city of Zaru (or Zal, the eastern frontier fort 
of Egypt). Its length 3600 cubits, its breadth 600 
cubits, made by His Majesty in the first festival in 
Athyr 16, sailed His Majesty in the bark Aten-neferu in... 
his saloon " (A.Z. xv. 87). This tank or lake was nearly 
a quarter of a mile wide, and over a mile long : that 
implies an amount to be moved which would be all but 
impossible in fifteen days (from ist to i6th Athyr), even 
if the greatest number of workers were crowded in. 
But as Zaru sometimes identified with Sele was in 
any case in the region of the isthmus of Suez, with its 
various lakes and depressions, it rather seems that this 
tank or lake was made by flooding some natural 
hollow : the date would be on the 25th October, 
and therefore just before the fall of the inundation, 
a time when flooding would be taking .place down the 
canals. The name of the king's barge, "the beauties 
of Aten," shows that already the worship of the Aten, 

B.C. 1414-1379- 1 HISTORY OF REIGN 185 

or the sun's disc, was coming" forward, in advance of 
its nationalisation under the son of Tyi. The founding 
of the temple of Deir el Medinet also belongs to this 
year, three weeks later than Amenhotep's fantasiyeh 
on the new lake ; it is unlikely, therefore, that he was 
at Thebes at the time, and as the record only names 
private persons, we shall notice it further on. 

After this there are no landmarks in this reign until 
the close ; not a single war is recorded, and the Syrian 
letters show no trouble there, beyond a well-repelled 
attack by the Khatti on the king of Mitanni, the ally 
and brother of the Egyptian king (letter 4). What 
went on during this long peace is pictured in a little 
biographical letter, which we may quote complete as a 
picture of the life of a Syrian prince: "To the king, 
my master, my god, my sun, this is said ; Yatibiri thy 
servant, the dust of thy feet, at the feet of the king, my 
master, my god, my sun, seven times, and seven times 
more, I fall down. Behold, I am thy servant, true to 
the king my master. I look on one side, and I look on 
the other side, and there is no light ; but I look on the 
king my master, and there is light. A brick may be 
taken out of its place, but I shall move not from under 
the feet of my master. And now the king my master 
enquires about me of Yankhama, his agent. When I 
was young, Yankhama took me into Egypt, and placed 
me with the king my master, and I dwelt at the door of 
the king my master. Now the king my master asks 
his agent how I have guarded the gate of Gaza and the 
gate of Joppa. As for me, I am with the auxiliaries of 
the king my master ; wherever they go, I go with them, 
and whenever they go, I am with them. The yoke of 
my master is on my neck>, and I .bear it" (letter 117, 
S.B.A. xv. 504). Yatibiri seems to have had even his 
name changed in Egypt, as this is probably the Syrian 
writing of Hotep-ra. 

The temple of Soleb in Nubia is a monument of these 
silent years of tranquil government. There is shown a 
great festival, which began on the 26th of Mesore, and 
ended in Thoth. The king was accompanied by Tyi and 

i86 AMENHOTEP III tDYN. xvm. $. 

two daughters, and probably two sons also ; hence this 
sculpture can hardly be earlier than the i8th or 2oth 
year of his reign. 

Toward the close of the reign it seems that Amen- 
hotep IV. must have been associated with him. There 
are dates of his 35th and 36th year, and yet Manetho 

FIG. 119. Amenhotep III. enthroned. Tomb of Khaemhat. 

only gives 30 years and 10 months for his reign. That 
this difference cannot be due to co-regency with Tahut- 
mes IV. is pretty certain, as there are quarry inscriptions 
of the ist and 2nd year of Amenhotep TIL But a little 
point shows that Amenhotep IV. was probably married 
near the time of his father's death. In a letter Dush- 

B.C. 14*4-1379.1 HISTORY OF REIGN 187 

ratta refers to Amenhotep III. sending to him to fetch 
a wife from D. to be the mistress of Egypt (letter 6). 
This cannot refer to either queen of Amenhotep III. ; 
Gilukhipa was given by the father of Dushratta 
(letter n), and Tyi was married yet earlier (Rec. xv. 
200). Nor can it refer to another queen for Amenhotep 
III., as the great Tyi could hardly be superseded as 
mistress of Egypt. It must rather refer to seeking an 
alliance with Mitanni for the young Amenhotep IV. 
And we see that Dushratta, writing to Tyi, before 
Amenhotep IV. took up affairs, greets Tadukhipa his 
daughter, Tyi's daughter-in-law (letter 9). 

Now there is no dating of Amenhotep IV. before his 
5th regnal year, and in the 6th year his second child 
was born, pointing to his marriage in his 4th year. 
If, then, he were associated in the 3ist year of his 
father's reign, the date of the 36th year of the old 
king would just follow the marriage of his son, and 
agree with the earliest date being of the 5th year. 
This also agrees with letter 8, in which Dushratta 
greets Tadukhipa his daughter, writing therefore after 
her marriage, while the letter reached Egypt in the 
36th year, by the docket. 


We now turn to the great works of this age. This 
king was the first we know of who placed his tomb out 
of sight of the Nile. Instead of occupying some part 
of the wide cemetery overlooking the plain, he retreated 
an hour's journey up a wild and desolate gorge of the 
desert, and there hewed out grand galleries for his 
sepulchre, extending some hundreds of feet into the 
mountain. This was a magnificent new departure, 
and served as a type followed century after century 
by later kings. A long corridor leads to a chamber 
with two pillars at right angles to it ; thence two more 
galleries lead to the sepulchral chamber, containing six 
pillars, out of which branch seven other chambers 
(D.E. ii. 79, 5). The entrance was skilfully concealed 



[DYN. xvin. 9. 

by lying behind a spur of rock ; but the great banks of 
chips outside it point to the tomb. The greater part 
of the tomb was stuccoed and painted, but most of 
this covering has now disappeared. The execution of 
what remains is far finer than that of any of the later 
royal tombs. Three excellent heads of the king are 
published (C.M. ccxxxii.; L.D. iii. 70 e). The tomb 
in modern times contained only the lid of a sarcophagus 
in red granite, and fragments of ushabtis and funeral 
vases, etc. (D.E. ii. 80, 81 ; E. and P.P. Colls.). 

The earliest dated Egyptian objects found in Europe 
are the scarabs of Amenhotep and of Tyi, of which 
several have been discovered in connection with Aegean 

In Syria, two alabaster vases of this king were 
found at Gaza (Palestine Exploration Fund). At 
Sarbut el Khadem, in Sinai, two steles show him 
offering to Amen and to Hathor of Mafket ; it appears 
that work was done at the mines in the last year of 
the reign. 

In Egypt, work was carried on in the Delta. Four 

_,_ , statues of officials of 

this age were found at 
Bubastis ; two of a 
governor Amenhotep, 
one of a royal scribe*- 
Kherfu, and one un- 
named (N.B. 31-33). 
And at Benha a large 
slab of black granite 
was found, with the 
figure of the gilardian 
serpent of the temple 
of Har khenti khety 
(M.D. 63 b). 

The steles at Turrah 
mention that " the king 
gave orders to open 
fresh chambers to quarry white excellent stone of An, 
in order to build his chambers for a million of years. 

FIG. 120. Amenhotep III. in middle 

B.C. 1414-1379.] MONUMENTS 189 

When His Majesty found the chambers which were in 
Rufuy going to great decay since the time of those who 
were at the beginning, by my Majesty they were made 
anew" (L.D. iii. 71 c, d). This was in the ist and 
2nd years ; and a block at his temple of Kom Hettan 
at Thebes dates the quarrying in the ist day of the ist 

At Memphis, the earliest of the Apis tombs belongs 
to this time ; it was a rock chamber reached by a 
sloping passage, and with a chapel built over it 
(M.S. Ms. 117). A slab of this reign was found at 
Memphis, and is now in the Ghizeh Museum (V.G. 

At Gurob, an interesting altar was dedicated by Tyi 
to her husband's funereal service: " She made her 
monuments of her beloved brother Neb*ma*ra." A 
box lid and a kohl tube also name the king, his wife, 
and daughter Hent'ta'neb (P.I. xvii. xxiv). A block of 
Amenhotep was found in a town at Howarteh, near 
Minieh (My.E. 406). At El Bersheh is a stele of the 
ist year in a quarry (S.B.A. ix. 195). At Mesheikh, 
nearly opposite Girgeh, stood a temple of this king 
(S.B.A. vii. 172). At Rayaneh is a fort the bricks 
of which are stamped by Amenhotep III. (My. E. 426). 
In Upper Egypt, at Dendera, is a Ptolemaic sculpture 
of the king in the guise of Hapi, with the cartouche 
Ra'maa'neb on his head. 

At Karnak is the great mass of work of this reign. 
At the north end was built a temple of Mentu (N in 
Baedeker), with a pylon, and obelisks of red granite 
(C.N. ii. 271). The columns were polygonal, and the 
temple contained many fragments of black granite 
statues of the king and of Sekhet, and an exquisite 
small sphinx of Amenhotep. It was restored and 
altered by Merenptah, Ramessu V., and the Ptolemies 
II., III., IV., and VI. (C.N. ii. 272; B.E. 161). On 
the east of this was another lesser temple of this reign 
(M.K. pi. i., marked C, but referred to as B in text, 
p. 9). 

A long avenue of 122 sphinxes, carved in sandstone, 

190 AMENHOTEP III D>VK. xvm. * 

extends before the temple of Khonsu ; these bear the 
name of Amenhotep, and point to a temple of this 
reign having stood on the site where Ramessu III. 
afterwards built the existing temple. 

A vast pylon was built by the king, as a new front 
to the great temple of Amen. This was afterwards 
used by Sety I. as the back of his great hall of columns, 
and partly refaced on that side by fresh masonry. On 
the north half of the west face are shown two great 
ships. One, over forty feet long, is the royal vessel, 
with the king standing on the poop, and cabins in the 
middle with cornices. It is propelled by thirty or forty 
rowers, and tows the barge of Amen, which bears the 
small processional bark of Amen in a shrine, and on 
the prow a sphinx and altar. The ends have great 
sacred collars below the rams' heads of Amen, the 
so-called aegis. On the east face are scenes of offering 
to Amen by the king, and a long list of the offerings in 
71 lines (M.K. xxxiv. v.). The colossus before pylon 
XI. (of Horemheb) is not in its original place. Only 
the pedestal and a foot now remain ; and the little toe 
of that has been barbarously cut away in late years at 
a tourist's whim. The work is in quartzite sandstone ; 
and on the base are figures of the king as a youth with 
the side-lock, showing that it belongs to the beginning 
of his reign. The statue must have been of the same- 
magnitude as the colossi on the western shore. 

Inscriptions of Neb*maa-ra have been added to the 
pylon of Tahutmes III. (pylon VIII.) and to the 
building of Amenhotep II. in the great southern 
court (S). 

At the south end of Karnak stood a large and 
important temple of Mut (T), crowded with hundreds 
of lion-headed statues of Sekhet, which have been 
dispersed among the collections of the world. The 
lake round the sides and back of this temple still 
remains. The building was re-worked by Sheshenk I. 

At Luqsor, a mile and a half farther south, a great 
temple was built by Amenhotep to his father Amen, 
with special reference to the divine conception of the 

B.C. 1414-1379.] 



king. This was probably not connected at this time 
with the temples of Karnak, as the axis of this temple 
and the Karnak avenue of sphinxes have no alignment, 
intersection, or relation to each other. The connection 
of Luqsor and Karnak is rather due to the alterations 
of Ramessu II. This Luqsor temple consists of five 
portions, which have three slightly different axes. The 
shrine which is a processional resting-place, open 

FIG. i2i. Colonnade at Luqsor. 

in both front and back has a hall before it, a 
columnar gallery at the back, and chambers at the 
sides. In front of this is an open court. Then a 
hypostyle hall, of four rows of eight columns, the axis 
of which is rather more to the north, instead of north- 
east like the shrine. Then a court with colonnades 
around it, which recovers the same direction as the 
shrine. Lastly, before this, and the massive pylon 
which formed its face, an avenue of fourteen columns 

I 9 2 AMENHOTEP III [DW. xvm. 9. 

was added as an approach, with a lesser pylon in 
front of it. 

On the western side of the Nile a great temple was 
built in this reign ; to which the well-known colossi be- 
longed, standing in front of the now-vanished pylon. 
These colossi have obtained a celebrity through Greek 
and Roman authors, which has little to do with their 
importance in history. They were noble pieces of 
work, but are now so fearfully injured that the group 
of the Niles on the sides is the only part of artistic 
value. The height of the figures is recorded by their 
architect (in the inscription on his statue) as being 40 
cubits ; with the pedestal and crown they appear to 
have been exactly this size. At the sides of the legs, 
against the throne, are statues of Mutemua the mother, 
and of Tyi the wife, of the king. The Greek inscrip- 
tions of visitors who came to hear the sunrise crackling 
of the stone are published in D.E. ii. 22 ; v. 55. Other 
colossi lie a little way behind these, and a vast stele of 
sandstone about 14 feet wide and 30 feet high, which 
decorated the forecourts of the temple. Remains of 
the buildings of the temple chambers, at the back of 
all, form the Kom Hettan, or " mound of chips/' On 
the edge of the desert to the north of this are the 
remains of the temple of Merenptah, which was entirely 
formed from the plundering of Amenhotep's tempie. 
The avenue of jackals with statues of the king between 
the paws, the inscribed bases on which they stood, the 
colossi, the sphinxes, the steles, the sculptured blocks, 
and even the bricks, were all plundered and destroyed 
for the sake of materials. Thence come the black 
granite stele (usurped by Merenptah), and the white 
limestone stele of Amenhotep's triumph, now in the 
Ghizeh Museum. The chapel of Uazmes was restored 
by Amenhotep III., whose ring was found under the 
door sill. The small temple of Deir el Medineh was 
founded by the great architect of this reign, Amen- 
hotep, son of Hepu ; but none of the original building 
remains, the whole being now Ptolemaic. The inscrip- 
tion about it is noticed below under the architect's name. 

B.C. I4 T4-i379-] MONUMENTS 193 

At El Kab, a beautiful little temple, formed of a single 
square chamber with four pillars and a court, stands 
back in the desert valley. It was begun by Tahutmes 
IV. and finished by Amenhotep III. (L.D. iii. 80). 
The name of the king also occurs in the ruins of the 
great temple (C.N. i. 266). 

At Silsileh stood a shrine in the quarry, surmounted 
by a hawk which now lies by it (S.B.A. xi. 233-4); and 
also an altar which was dedicated in the 35th year of 
Amenhotep (L.D. iii. 81 a-e). Probably of the same 
time is a rock tablet of his in the same place (L.D. 
iii. 81 f). 

At Elephantine stood one of the most perfect and 
beautiful examples of a temple of this age. It had the 
usual processional form (with the sanctuary open front 
and back), and a colonnade of seven pillars at the side 
and four in the front around the outside. An unusual 
feature was that it stood on a raised hollow platform 
reached by a flight of steps. Happily it was passably 
published in the Description (i. 34-8), for soon after 
that, in 1822, it was swept away by the local governor 
for stone (a fragment is quoted in M.I. i. 120). 

By the quarry at Aswan lies a granite colossus, 
which was in course of being removed ; though partly 
buried, its proportion indicates a height of about 
25 feet. A rock tablet in the quarry shows the 
sculptor adoring the king's names, and saying that he 
had "made the great image of his majesty the lion of 
princes " (M.I. i. 62-3). The other steles at Aswan 
refer to the war in the Sudan, and are dated in the 
5th year, as we have noticed (L.D. iii. 81 g, h ; C.M. 
95, 4 ; L.D. iii. 82 a). A stele from Semneh gives some 
other details of this Nubian campaign (Arch. Jour. viii. 


At Sedeinga (20 32' N.) are the remains of a 
beautiful temple built in honour of queen Tyi. An 
inscription says that Amenhotep ' * made his monuments 
for the great and mighty heiress, the mistress of all 
lands, Tyi " (L.D. iii. 82). 

The great temple at Soleb (20 24' N.) was built in 



[DVN, xviii. 9. 

this reign to commemorate the conquest of the Sudan. 
The king is shown in the dedication festival, with all 
his officials, entering in at the great gates, which each 
have a name ; it is stated that * * all her gates were 
made of best white sandstone," and the names " Neb* 
maa'ra . . . nekht " and "Amenhotep Neb'maa'ra 
s . . r . . . " remain for the great pylons. 

At Napata (Mount Barkal), the Ethiopian capital 

'., '^Ajj 

FIG. 122. Colossal ram from Napata. Berlin. 

(18 30' N.), were monuments which had been taken 
from Soleb. Many of these are now in Europe ; two 
rams and the base of a hawk at Berlin (L.D. iii. 89, 90), 
and two lions (partly usurped by Tut -ankh -amen) in 
London (L.A. 13 A.B.; Rec. xi. 212). 

Turning now to the portraiture of the king, there are 
several colossi ; two standing at Thebes, the upper 
part of one entirely built up in Roman times ; another 

B.C. J4T4-I379-3 



of the same size buried behind these ; another farther 
back ; and a group of four figures in one block, the 
heads lost (My.E. 464). Great colossi of Amenhotep 
in white limestone were removed from his temple and 
broken up ; the remains having been found in the 
buildings of temple of Merenptah and Medinet Habu. 
Of statues there are two, one in white limestone (G. 
Mus. ; Ms. G. 422), and 
one in black granite 
(B. Mus.), beside a 
base at Avignon. A 
group of the king and 
Tyi is in the Saurma 
collection. Three ex- 
cellent drawings of 
different ages are pub- 
lished from the tomb 
(C.M. 232 ; L.D. iii. 70). A beautiful small sphinx was 
seen by Champollion at Karnak (C.N. ii. 272), and may 

FIG. 123. Pottery and silver rings of 
Amenhotep III. F.P. ColL 

FIG. 124. Scarabs of Amenhotep III. Scale i : 2. 
* "Born at Thebes." 

F.P. ColL 

2. "Beloved of all the gods in the palace." 

3. " Prince, making decrees." 

4. " Seizing Sangar. " 

be one of the sphinxes now in front of the Academy at 
St. Petersburg (Lb. P. 61). 

Of divine figures of this age there are the innumerable 

196 AMENHOTEP III (DYN. xvin. 9 . 

statues of Sekhet in black granite, which were mainly 
placed in the temple of Mut ; the standing Ptah in 
diorite (in Turin), and a seated Ptah in limestone 
(Turin) ; Anpu, seated, in basalt (Sabatier Coll.). 

The various minor objects of this reign are sufficiently 
catalogued at the head of this section. The scarabs 
are peculiar from their large size and long inscriptions. 
The text of the more important passages has been 
already quoted ; and beside the long texts, there are 
many scarabs of unusual size with phrases of honour, 
such as "beloved of all the gods in the palace," 
"seizing Singar," " the lion of princes," etc. 


The tombs and tablets of the great officials of this 
reign are of much importance. The wealth and leisure 
of all classes led to the construction of magnificent 
works, which far exceed in extent and beauty the royal 
remains of most other ages. 

We begin with the most celebrated official of Egypt 
in any age, Amenhotep, the son of Hepu, the great 
architect and administrator. On his statue found at 
Karnak he states : " Mustering (of troops) was done 
under me, as royal scribe over the recruits. I trained 
the troops of my lord, my pen counted millions. ~i 
appointed recruits in place of the veterans. I assessed 
estates according to their just number, and when 
workmen left their estates for me, I filled the number 
of the serfs from the spoil smitten by his majesty in 
battle. I examined all their gangs, I disciplined the 
decayed. I appointed men over the road* to repel 
foreigners from their place, enclosing the two lands in 
watching the Bedawin on the way. I did likewise on 
the water way, the river mouths were joined by my 
parties, beside the crews of the royal ships. Behold, I 
guided their ways, they obeyed my orders. I acted 
as chief at head of my mighty men to smite the 
Nubians. ... I counted the spoil of the victories (as 
chief recorder). I was appointed overseer of all works. 

B.C. 1414-1379.1 PRIVATE MONUMENTS 197 

... I did not imitate what had been done before. . . . 
I acted with the love of my heart in undertaking his 
likeness in this his great temple, in every hard stone 
firm as heaven. I undertook the works of his statues, 
great in width, and higher than his pylon ; their 
beauties eclipsed the pylon, their length was 40 cubits 
in the noble rock of quartzite. I built a great barge, 
I sailed it up the river (i.e. from Jebel Ahmar), 
and I fixed the statues in his great temple firm like 

The statue bearing this inscription is of the quartzite 
breccia of Gebel Ahmar (Fraas), and is now at Ghizeh 
(V.G. 212 ; M.K. 36-7). The family was of import- 
ance, as an Amenhotep surnamed Hepu (who was 
already dead early in Tahutmes III.) is named in the 
tomb of Aahmes Peirnekheb (L.D. iii. 43 b). The high 
position of this architect is shown by his acting in the 
absence of the king (then visiting the Delta) at the 
founding of the temple of Deir el Medineh. The stele 
which records this is apparently a later hieratic copy ; 
it states that " Xlth year, Khoiak 6, under Amenhotep, 
etc. This day there was in the temple of Kak, the 
heir, the royal scribe Amenhotep. There came to him 
the governor Amenhotep ; the treasurer Meriptah ; 
and the royal scribe of the troops. He said to them 
before His Majesty, * Listen to the orders which are 
made for the management of the temple of Kak by the 
heir, the royal scribe Amenhotep, named Hui son of 
Hap.'" He recites them the gift of male and female 
servants, and curses any who should remove the 
endowment (B.I.H.D. xxix. ; C.E. ii. 324 ; A.Z. xiii. 
123). Beside this high position, the reputation of this 
great man lasted till late ages. The copy of the above 
stele is Ptolemaic. And in a Ptolemaic sculpture in 
the rock chapel at Deir el Bahri he is represented 
standing with an " adoration by the scribe of recruits, 
Amenhotep son of Hepu" (D.H. ii. 7). He was 
correlated with Imhotep both at Medinet Habu 
and at Deir el Bahri (A.Z. xxv. 117). Papyri were 
attributed to him, as one in Paris, entitled "Book of 


the mysteries of the form found by the royal chief 
reciter Amenhotep son of Hapi, and which he made 
for himself as an amulet to preserve his members. " 
This is a litany of magic names (Ms. M.P.L. 58). 
Lastly, Josephus names him, saying that king Amen- 
ophis desired to see one of the gods, "he also com- 
municated his desire to his namesake Amenophis, who 
was the son of Paapis, and one who seemed to partake 
of a divine nature, both as to wisdom and the know- 
ledge of futurities " ; and, further, he "called to mind 
what Amenophis son of Paapis had foretold him " 
(Cont. Ap. i. 26; see also A.Z. xv. 147). The other 
officials known are : 

Amenhotep, vizier, law-maker, overseer of all works 

of the king, who may be the same as the above 

son of Hepu. Two statues found at Bubastis 

(N.B. 32). 

Amenhotep) royal scribe, general, adoring cartouches 

atBigeh(C.N. i. 161). 

Amenhotep) royal scribe, Soleb (L.D. iii. 83). 
Amenhotep) royal scribe, tablet (B. Mus. 151). 
Amenhotep) the am'khent. Tomb, Thebes. Bears a 
sphinx with the ka name of Amenhotep III. 
Also two bearers of sceptres with titles and 
names of Am. III., making monuments to his 
father Ptah (M.A.F. i. 28). 
AahmeS) governor of the town, adoring cartouches, 

Konosso (L.D. iii. 82 d). 
Aa'nen) seal-bearer, second prophet of Amen. Statue, 

Turin (Rec. iii. 126). 

Amen'em'hat) called Surer, chief semer, fan-bearer, 
royal scribe, keeper of palace, born of royal 
favourite Mut'tuy. Statue kneeling holding 
stele, Louvre (P.R. L i) ; statuette, Louvre 
(P.R. ii. 38) ; tablet, Aix (P.R. ii. 38) ; torso, B. 
Mus. (Lb. D. 604). 

Amen'nekht) princess, prays with her mother, 
Mut'nefert, before Amenhotep- III., because " he 
praises her beautiful face and honours her 
beauty," Ushabti box, Berlin (B.C. 90). 


Amu'n'zeh, tomb finished under Am. III. ; royal 

follower (M.A.F. v. 352 ; Rec. vii. 45). Qurneh. 
Anhur'mes, scribe of works of temple of Am. III. 

Cone (P.S. xxiii. 84). 
Baken'khonsu, high priest of Amen, overseer of 

prophets of all the gods. Naos, red sandstone, 

Karnak (R.E. ix. 28). 
Hebykhetf, prince of Memphis, adoring cartouches, 

Aswan (M.I. 28, 8). 

FIG. 125. Head of Khaemhat. Thebes, Berlin. 

Hor y architect, stele, B. Mus. (T.S.B.A. viii. 143). 
Hor'ewheb, royal scribe. Tomb, Thebes (M.A.F. 

v. 432). 
Hotep) fan-bearer before Am. III. and Thyi, Aswan 

(M.I. i. 41, 181). 

Kahu, stele, B. Mus. (Lb, D. 674). 
Kha*em 9 hat> royal scribe of the granaries of south 

zoo AMENHOTEP III IDYN. xvm. 9. 

and north, etc. Tomb, Thebes (M.A.F. i. 116; 
C.N. i. 498; C.M. 160; Pr. A. ; L.D. iii. 76-7); 
slab at Berlin (B.C. 103). 

Kherfu, treasurer, royal scribe, keeper of the palace, 
adoring cartouches, Aswan (M.I. i. 44, 4) ; statue, 
Berlin (B.C. 83) ; base of statue, Bubastis 
(N.B. 33). 

Men, son of Horammu, sculptor. Stele in style of 
Tell el Amarna, at Aswan ; adoration of Am. 
III. as a great statue, and his ka ; by the chief 
of works in the red mountain, over the artists of 
great monuments of the king. (Tablet of his 
son Bak, see next reign) (M.I. i. 40, 174). 
' Mermes, royal son of Kush, adoration before car- 
touches, Aswan (P.S. 274) ; adoring, with 
Kherfu, Aswan (M.I. i. 39, 177); Konosso 
(L.D. iii. 82 b) ; Sehel (M.I. i. 91, 96) ; alabaster 
canopic jar (B. Mus.) ; cones. 

Mery, sam priest. Soleb (L.D. iii. 84). 

Nebt'ka'bani) nurse of princess Satamen. Stele, 
Abydos, G. Mus. (M.A. ii. 49). 

Nefer'sekherU) royal scribe, keeper of palace (C.N. 
i. 524). Tomb, Qurneh. 

Pa*nehesty prophet of king, Turin, statue (Lb. D. 607). 

Pa'sar, in tomb of Horemheb (B.R. ii. 66 c; not in 

Ptah'mer, noble, eyes and ears of the king, keeper of 
the palace of Maa*neb*ra. Stele, Leyden (Lb. D. 

Ptah'meSy A, father, Menkheperra ; son, Paneterhon ; 
noble heir, high priest of Memphis, chancellor, 
sole companion. Statue, breccia, Florence (S. 
Cat. F. 1505) ; naos, Abydos, G. Mus. (M.A. 
ii. 32 ; S. Cat. F. p. 203). Living under 
Tahutmes III. and Amenhotep III. 

Ptah'mes, B, father, Tahutimes; brother (?) Ptah'mer; 
son, Khay ; noble heir> high priest of Memphis, 
overseer of all the prophets of the' south and north, 
Statue, grey granite, Thebes, Florence (S. Cat. 
F. 1506); stele, Memphis (S. Cat. F. 1570); 


stele, Leyden (S. Cat. F. p. 205) ; cubit, 
Leyden (S. Cat. F. p. 205) ; palette, basalt 
(P.R. i. 93). A or B is adored on stele of 
Ptatrankh (S. Cat. F. 1571). B living under 
Amenhotep III. 

(The above persons have been confused, 
but their parentage and titles serve to distin- 
guish them. Paneterhon of Florence, 1679, 
cannot be the son of Ptalrmes A, as his father 
is Mahuy. The very different styles of the 
Florence statues, 1505 and 1506, would well 
agree to the beginning and the end of the long 
reign of Amenhotep III.) 
Ptah'mes, C, high priest of Amen, governor of south 

Thebes. Stele, Avignon (W.G. 395). 
Rirmen'kheper^ son of king Amenhotep II. ? Stele, 

Bigeh (C.N. i. 161). 

Ra'meS) A, vizier, at Soleb dedication (L.D. iii. 83) ; 
rock stele, Bigeh, adoring cartouches (P.S. 
334) ; another stele, Bigeh (C.N. i. 614) ; rock 
stele, Sehel, adoring cartouches and Anket 
(M.D. 70, 21). 
Ra*meS) B, general, overseer of palace. Tomb, Tell 

el Amarna (M.A.F. i. 10). 

Sa-ast, called Pa'nekhu. Stele, Turin (Rec. iii. 125). 

Sa'mut, kher heb> at Soleb dedication (L.D. iii. 84) ; 

= (?) treasurer, translator of the messengers in 

the palace, second prophet of Amen. Tomb, 

Thebes (C.N. i. 539). 

Sebek'mes, treasurer. Rock stele, Aswan, by river 

(M.I. i. 44, 2). 
Sebek'nekht, noble heir, keeper of palace. Stele, 

Munich (Lb. D. 6n). 

Tahutimes, father of Ptahmes B (? son of Ptahmes A). 
Stele, Leyden (S. Cat. F. p. 205) ; stele, Flor- 
ence (S. Cat. F. 1570). 
TahutimeS) overseer of serfs. Stele, B. Mus. (Lb. D. 

Userhat) keeper of palace of Tyi in Thebes ; in tomb 
of Khonsu, Qurneh (Rams. II.). 


[DYN. xvm. 9, 

Amenhotep was adored as a god after his death, but 

not as much as might 
be expected. At Soleb 
his son Akhenaten (so 
written) appears in 
regular royal dress, 
and not in his peculiar 
style, adoring the king. 
At Aswan, Men, the 
sculptor, adores the 
great statue. At Mem- 
phis the king was also 
adored (Pap. Sail, iv., 
pi. 2, verso). A stele 
of a priest of Amen- 
hotep III. bears an 
adoration to Osiris, 
Isis, Amenhotep, and 
Tyi (C.N. ii. 703). 
And a statue at Kar- 
nak bears a du hotep 
suten prayer to Sokar, 
Nefertum, Sekhet, and 

FIG. 126. Aged head of Amenhotep 
III. , from his tomb. 

Amenhotep III. (S.B.A. xi. 423). 


We have already noticed the relation of the king to 
the Mesopotamian rulers of Mitanni and Kardunyas ; 
and the uncertainty about the parentage of his great 
queen Tyi, who appears to have had hereditary rights 
to the Egyptian kingdom probably through her 
mother. The monuments of Tyi are numerous. She 
appears at the sides of the colossi of her husband, and 
with him in official scenes, as at Soleb. Her parentage 
is recorded on the large scarabs, which name her 
father Yuaa, and her mother Thuaa (A.Z. xviii. 82). 

.c. I414-I379-J ROYAL FAMILY 203 

Her figure was sculptured in the tomb of Huy (No. 2), 
at Tell el Amarna (L.D. iii. jooc; Pr. A.). Two trial 
pieces left in sculptors' shops at Tell el Amarna show 
her face (P.A. i. 6). Her ushabtis of alabaster were 
found in the tomb of her husband (D.E. v. 60, 7). 
She dedicated altars to the ka of Amenhotep after his 
death, of which one has remained in the remote country 
town of Gurob (P.I. xxiv.). Toilet boxes bear her 
name, from Gurob (P.I. xxiv.) and at Turin (Rec. iii. 
127), while numerous scarabs and cowroids show her 
name, sometimes conjoined with that of her husband ; 
in two cases their figures appear together (B. Mus., 
Brocklehurst Coll., P. Sc. 1305-9), and on one scarab 
she is shown seated (B. Mus. ; P. Sc. 1308). Her name 
appears alone in the quarry at Tell el Amarna, probably 
after her husband's death (P.A. 4, xlii.). 

Of queen Kirgipa only one mention appears in Egypt, 
on a scarab recording her entry into the land with 317 
women attendants, who, doubtless, spread the Syrian 
tastes in the Egyptian court (A.Z. xviii. 82). Her 
father is said to be Satharna ; and this leaves no 
question but that she is Gilukipa, daughter of Su . . . 
king of Mitanni, named by Dushratta in his cuneiform 
correspondence (letters 4 and n). 

Of the children of Amenhotep III. but little is known. 
Beside his son, afterwards Akhenaten, there is one 
son, Tahutimes, who may be only a titular prince and 
not a relation (L.K. 385). Two daughters are known 
from the scenes on the temple of Soleb, named Ast and 
Henfmerheb (L.D. iii. 86 b) ; Satamen is named on an 
ebony slip from a toilet box (B. Mus. ; Arch. Jour. viii. 
397), and on a dish from Tell el Amarna (P.A. xiii. 16), 
and is shown seated as a child on the knees of her 
nurse, Nebt'ka'bani, on a stele from Abydos (G. Mus. ; 
M.A. ii. 49) ; while Henf ta'neb is only known by a 
piece of a glazed pottery kohl tube of hers found at 
Gurob (P.I. xvii. 20). 

The princess Bakt'aten has been usually placed as 
a seventh and youngest daughter of Akhenaten. She 
occurs, however, in a tomb of his I2th year, or only six 


[DYN. xviu. g 

years after the second daughter was born ; and she 
never appears among the daughters where four (L.D. 
iii. 93) or six (L.D. iii. 99) are shown, hence there is a 
difficulty as to her position, unless she died very young. 
Her real origin is, however, intimated in the tomb of 
Huya, the only place where she is represented. She is 
there always associated with Tyi ; she sits by the side 
of Tyi (L.D. iii. icoc), while the daughters of 
Akhenaten side by their mother ; she alone follows 

FIG. 127. Court artist Auta painting a statue of Bektaten. 

Tyi (L.D. iii. 101) in a procession where no other 
children appear ; and her figure is painted by Auta, 
court artist to Tyi (L.D. iii. icoa). Moreover, she is 
never called other than a king's daughter, whereas "all 
the other princesses in every inscription are entitled 
daughters of Nefertiti. Thus, by the difficulty about 
her position in the family, by her constant association 
with Tyi, and by her being differently entitled to all the 
others, it seems clear that she was the youngest and 
favourite child of Tyi. 

[B.C. I383-I365.1 



XVIII. 10. 

EPRU'RA ( O I ' 
* \ \^ ^ 

* 1 O 1 ^J r 3 8 3- 

^J \ ?\ .. ... n J 

AAAA/sA J\ n ^ 


" " 

AMEN-HOTEP IV. /" A r^ a-~ ci o /g ^ 

NETER'HEK'UAST 1 ^j /WWVA ^ g | J[ 1 

AKHEN*ATEN f ft /JS* ^fl? ***"* J 


Valley at Tell el Amarna 

(P.A. xxxiv.) 


Fragments of granite 

(A.Z. xix. 116; Rec. 

vi. 53). 


Fragments in Cairo 

(A.Z. xix. 116; S.I. 

ii. 48). 


Tablet with cartouches 

(M.D. 346). 


Re-used blocks, Sydney 

(N. Aeg. 117-134). 



Stele of Huy 

(M.D. 56, 2). 


Fragments of scene 

(P.I. xxiv. 10). 


Papyrus, 5th year 

(P.I. 50). 

Tell el Amarna 

Granite pedestal 

(Rev. Arch. I. i. 730). 
(P.A. 7, pis. ii.-x.). 


Temple of Aten 

(P.A. 1 8). 


Three rock steles, W. 

(P.A. 5; Pr. M. xiv. ; 


L.D. iii. 91 a-f). 


Eleven rock steles, E. 

(P.A. 5-6; Rec. xv. 
36; L.D. iii. nob, 

1 10 a; Pr. M. xii.). 
(Private tombs, see list below). 
Death mask, G. Mus. (P.A. front). 
Statues, B. Mus., Amherst(P.A. 18). 
Colossi (P.A. 9). 

Ushabtis, G. Mus., F.P. (P.A. 17). 


Triad, F.P. Coll. (P.A. i. i). 

Sculpture and trial piece (P.A. i. 5, 9). 
Steles, E. Coll., G. Mus., (P.A. xii. ; V.G. 150, 

A. Mus., Amherst, in 207). 

pavement house 
Fragments of steles, (P. A.). 

sculptures, vases, etc. ; 

A. Mus., F.P. Coll., 

Ph. Mus., etc. 



[DYN. XVHI. 10, 

Tell el Amarna Jar sealings, A. Mus 


Hammamat Rock cuttings 


;us Blocks 

; hebes Fragments used by 


,, Stone on quay, Luxor 

,, Three stones, Karnak 

Erment Block 

Silsileh Stele about building 

E. Silsileh Stele of Amen Ra 

Aswan Stele of Bak 

Soleb King worshipping father 

(P.A. xxi.). 
(P. A. xiv. xv.). 
(L.D. iii. 91 g; 

i. 6; G.H. 

iii. 5). 


i. 8, 

(W.M.C. iii. 52). 

(Pr. M. x.-xi. ; L.D. 
iii. noc-g; iooc = 
Berl., B.C. 2072, p. 
101 ; Rec. vi. 51.) 

(W.G. 399). 

(W.G. 399). 

(W.G. 400). 

(L.D. iii. iioi). 

(S.B.A. xi. 233). 

(M.D. 26 u). 

(L.D. iii. nok). 

Statuette P. Mus. (L.D. iii. 294, 44). 

Shoulder of G. Mus. (W.G, 402). 

statue, lime- 

Fragments of Amherst Coll. (P.A. 18). 


Body of quartz- F.P. Coll. 

Headofstat- T. Mus. 
uette, lime- 

Portraits, best Young, Karnak 
Older, P. Mus. 

,, Death mask 

Steles Quartzite (G. Mus.) 

,, (Paris Cab. Med.) 

Alabaster (E. Coll., Berl.) 

,, Stone (Berl.) 

Door jamb (Berl.) 


Cartouche blocks, limestone (Turin) 
red granite (Sabatier Coll.) 

,, limestone and blue glaze, (Am- 

Part of altar, granite (G. Mus.) 
Part of mortar, red granite (F. Mus.) 

(F.P. Coll.) 

Vase, alabaster, Leyden. 

Rings, gold and copper, scarabs, plaques, etc. 
Gold plated heart scarab. Maudsley. 

(L.D. iii. 294, 42). 
(L.D. iii. 294,43). '"- 
(P.A. front). 
(V.G. p. 72). 
(Rev. Arch. I. v. 63). 
(B.C. 2045, p. 97). 
(B.C. 10187, P- IOI ) 
(B.C. 2069, p. joi). 

(L.T. 1378). 
(Rec. xiv. 55). 
(P.A. 18, 19). 

(V.G. 708). 

(S. Cat. F. p. 53). 

B.C. 1383-1365.] AKHENATEN 207 


Fragments of Amherst Coll. (P. A. 18, i. 13, 15). 

5 statues 
Portraits Best , (L.D. iii. in ; P. A. 

14, xii.). 

Building Tell el Amarna (P. A. 8, x.). 

Vases Fragments (P. A. xiii. 23-34). 

Rings, etc. (P.A. xv.). 

Daughters Mert'aten, mar. Ra'smenkh'ka (L.D. iii. 99 a). 
Makt'aten, died before the king. 
Ankh*s*en'pa*aten = Ankhsenamen, mar. Tut'ankh* 

Nefernefnraten (L.D. iii. 93). 

Married son of Burnaburyas, see letter 16. 
Nefer'nefnrra (L.D. iii. 99). 
Sotep'en'ra (L.D. iii. 99). 

The dated documents of this reign are not many 
Only one bears the name of Amenhotep, in 

Vth year, Phamenoth 19, papyrus letter, Kahun 
(P.I. 50). Of Akhenaten there are the numerous dated 
rock steles, all of the Vlth and VHIth years (the 
doubtful reading- I Vth year in L.D. nob should 
certainly be Vlth year, as shown by one daughter being 

Xllth year, Mekhir 8, visit of Tyi, recorded in tomb 
of Huya (L.D. iii. rooc). 

XVIIth year, series of wine jar inscriptions ceases ; 
end of reign. 

The beginning of the reign of Amenhotep IV. is 
obscure. That Tyi for a brief time held the power at 
Tell el Amarna, is indicated by her name appearing 
alone in a quarry at that place (P.A. 4, xlii.) ; but this 
may have only been for a few weeks. 

We have already noticed that from Dushratta's 
letter (6) it appears that Amenhotep III. was negotiat- 
ing for his son's marriage before his death ; and from 
another letter of Dushratta (9) we learn that Tadukhipa 
was the daughter thus married to Akhenaten, and who 
was known in Egypt as Nefertiti. Moreover, Dush- 



[DYN. xvni. 10. 

ratta alludes to the marriage in a letter addressed to 
Amenhotep III. This all points to Akenhaten's marri- 
age having occurred just about the time of his father's 

death, and certainly 
before he took over 
affairs from his mother 
Tyi (see Dushratta's 
letter 9). Now, from 
the monuments show- 
ing sometimes only one 
daughter (with a re- 
cord inserted later) 
and sometimes two 
daughters in his 6th 
year, it is clear that 
his second daughter 
was born in the close 
of the 6th year of his 
reign. This would 
point to his marriage 
having taken place 
early in the 4th year. And hence he may very probably 
have been co-regent with his father in the years before 
his marriage. 

Now Manetho in Josephus states that Amenhotep III. 
reigned 30 years 10 months, and yet his latest monu- 
ment is in his 36th year, Mekhir 9. But this is jtist 
capable of a complete explanation by the co-regency of 
his son. For, as Amenhotep III. was crowned on the 
i3th Epiphi, his reign of 30 years and 10 months would 
lead us to date the beginning of Amenhotep IV. about 
the middle of Pakhons in his father's 3ist year. 
Hence the date of the Sarbut el Khadem stfele on Mekhir 
9 in the 36th year would be just 40 days before the 
earliest date of Amenhotep IV. on Phamenoth 19, year 5, 
which implies the decease of his father. The old king 
appears then to have died within the few weeks between 
these dates. 

As there are many works of the 6th year of Amen- 
hotep IV. , his father was certainly then dead ; and this 

FIG. 128. Young head of Amenhotep IV. 

B.C. 1383-1365-] 



limits us to fix his father's death in any case within a 
few months after the stele of his 36th year. (See 
further the endorse- 
ment on Tell el 
Amarna, letter No. 

The parentage of 
Nefertiti has been 
assigned (Rec. vi. 
52) to Tyi ; a view 
which is contra- 
dicted by the ex- 
press reference of 
Dushratta (letter 9) 
to Tadukhipa his 
daughter, Tyi's 
This view has been 
based on a misread- 
ing of the title of 
Tyi, seten'mut'seten* 
hemt'urt) as if it 
vtvcsseten'mut'errseten'hemt'urt (L.D. iii. icoc). That 
the first is the true reading, is plain from* a repetition 
of the title twice in the same tomb (pi. 101), where 
there is no n after seten, and where the titles are 
inserted as seten'hemt'urfrseten'muty so that the mean- 
ing is evidently that Tyi was not " royal mother of the 
king's wife," but " royal wife and royal mother." This 
is also shown by Nezenrmut being distinguished as 
"the sister of Nefertiti" (L.D. iii. 109), and not as 
"daughter of Tyi," which would have been the more 
important relationship had it existed. 

That Nefertiti had an hereditary claim to the 
Egyptian throne, is shown by her titles : she was the 
erpaturt) hent hemtu neb, the "great heiress, princess 
of all women," and "the princess of south and north, 
the lady of both lands." These titles, like the titles of 
Tyi, imply an hereditary right to rule Egypt ; and such 
a right would exist had Dushratta married an Egyptian 
II 14 

FIG. 129. Head of Amenhotep IV. 


[DYN. xvm. xo. 

princess who became mother of Tadukhipa Nefertiti. 
Such a marriage is very probable, looking- at the letters 
that passed, the equality of terms between Dushratta 
and his brother-in-law Amenhotep III., and his asking 
as a matter of course for an Egyptian wife for him- 

It seems, then, that we may approximately reckon that 
the accession of Amenhotep IV. was in Pakhons in his 
father's 3ist year ; that about Epiphi, or early in his 4th 
year, he married Nefertiti ( = Tadukhipa, daughter of 
Dushratta), who did not at first take the name A ten* 

neferneferu (P.A. xiii. 
23) ; that in his 4th year 
he still worshipped Ra 
Harakhti (Ostrakon, 
P.A. 33) ; that in his 5th 
year, Mekhir 9, his father 
was yet alive, but prob- 
ably died before Phame- 
noth 19. That in the 
end of the 5th year the 
tomb of Rames at Thebes 
was begun before the 
artists had given up the 
boyish face of Amen- 
hotep, and adopted -the 
new style of art ; also a 
great building of Silsileh 
stone was begun at 
Thebes (L.D. iii. 1 10 i) under the old style of art. Then, 
early in his 6th year, he shook off the worship of Amen, 
and even of the hawk-headed Horus, adopted the Aten 
worship, took the name Akhenaten, established a new 
capital at Tell el Amarna, and erected the rock tablets 
defining the new city, before the birth of his second 
daughter in the 6th year. After the second daughter 
was born came the change of his name at Thebes 
(Pr. M. xi. 3), and still later the change of his facial 
type at Thebes (Pr. M. x. i, 2). 

Having now traced the detail of his earlier years, we 

FIG. 130. Amenhotep IV. supporting 
the cartouches of the Aten : from a 
scarab. F.P. Coll. 

B.C. 1383-1365.! THE ATEN WORSHIP 211 

turn to the great phenomenon of this reign, the conver- 
sion of the king and the court. This change took place, 
as we have seen, early in the 6th year of the reign. The 
age of Akhenaten is an all-important factor in the 
question ; and this is indicated in two ways. His 
marriage was only just before his conversion, perhaps 
two years at most. The conversion cannot then be put 
before his i8th year, or probably rather later. But, on 
the other hand, all his portraits before the change show 
a distinctly boyish type, and are like his father Amen- 
hotep III., while after the change they are like his 
mother Tyi. Such a transition from the type of one 
parent to that of the other on reaching adolescence is 
not unlikely, but it certainly could not be put later than 
the fixation of the features at about 15 or 16 years of 
age. The artistic recognition of the change lagged, no 
doubt, and more at Thebes than at Tell el Amarna ; 
but the change being shown not earlier than his i8th 
year of age, points to his not being much beyond that 
age in any case. Now this consideration of his age 
points plainly to his not being a principal in the revolu- 
tion, but being acted on by some older and more 
responsible party. A lad of 18 cannot be supposed to 
have thought out a new system of religion, ethics, and 
art for himself, and to have defied the whole feelings 
of his country. The steady rise of the Aten into notice 
in the later years of his father (even before the son was 
born, as in the boat-name Aten'neferu in the nth year), 
shows that an older influence was working. And yet 
it was an external influence, as the whole system 
utterly vanished without any party remaining in Egypt 
to support it, when it once collapsed. Tyi was un- 
doubtedly the main mover in this change, as it was 
carried out completely just when she had the greatest 
power, as regent after her husband's death, and con- 
trolled the boy-king. Nefertiti of the same race as 
Tyi was also a great supporter of the movement, and 
probably her marriage precipitated it. 

But here we are met by the reminder that the Aten 
was the old worship of Heliopolis, that the high priest 



[DYN. XVXIL xo. 

FIG. 131. Cartouches of 
the Aten. 

had the title of that of Heliopolis, and that there was 
nothing new to Egypt but a few externals. This may 
no doubt be technically true so far as mere words go, 
but a glance at the feeling and character of the whole 
age marks it out as due to some 
completely un- Egyptian influ- 
ence, which no Heliopolitan 
source could ever have origin- 
ated. That the sun was wor- 
shipped as the Aten in what 
appears to have been the old 
centre of the invading Meso- 
potamian race and religion at 
Heliopolis, does not disprove 
that the Syrian Adon had any- 
thing to do with it ; but only points to the worship of the 
sun as lord, Adon, having come in ages before, and being 
used as an Egyptian stem on which to graft a re-importa- 
tion of the foreign ideas in the later age. The old Aten 
worship does not exclude the influence of the Adon, 
but is rather the very thing itself, ready to revert to 
its foreign and un-Egyptian type when a fresh wave of 
Asiatic ideas came in. That the name Adon, for lord, 
was an old Syrian word, apart altogether from the 
Semitic influence of the Jewish conquest, is shown by 
the names of Adonizedek, king of Jerusalem, Adoni- 
bezek, king of Bezek, and the general use of the name 
Adonis in northern Syria, there applied not to the sun- 
god, but to the vegetation god. 

The religious changes were profound. In place of the 
devotion to Amen, which had completely enthralled the 
previous kings, the very name of Amen was proscribed 
and erased throughout the country. One only of the 
old deities, Maat, appears on the sculptures of Akhen- 
aten ; once as a full-sized protecting deity before his 
conversion (tomb of Ra'mes, Thebes), and after that 
only as an emblem of truth, a small figure held in the 
hand. Maat is also constantly named by the king, but 
only as the abstract idea of truth, and not as a deity. 
Before each of his cartouches he adopted the title 

B.C. 1383-1365-] 



Ankh'em'maaty " Living in Truth" ; and in face of his 
overwhelming devotion to the Aten-sun, it is clear that 
this refers to the abstract quality and not to a concrete 

FIG. 132. Akhenaten and Nefertiti. The rays holding a uraeus, an 
ankh, four supporting the king, another holding an ankh, and three 
supporting the queen. 

The same tendency to the abstract is shown in the 
sun-worship. Other ages had worshipped the human- 
figured sun-god Ra, or a hawk as his emblem ; and 

214 AKHENATEN CDYN. xvm. xo- 

when the sun itself was represented, it was as a con- 
crete solid ball. But a more refined and really philo- 
sophical worship was substituted for this by Akhenaten, 
that of the radiant energy of the sun, of the sun as 
sustaining all life by his beams. No one sun- 
worshipper or philosopher seems to have realised 
until within this century the truth which was the basis 
of Akhenaten's worship, that the rays of the sun are 
the means of the sun's action, the source of all life, 
power, and force in the universe. This abstraction of 
regarding the radiant energy as all-important was quite 
disregarded, until recent views of the conservation of 
force, of heat as a mode of motion, and the identity of 
heat, light, and electricity, have made us familiar with 
the scientific conception which was the characteristic 
feature of Akhenaten's new worship. In every sculp- 
ture he is shown adoring the Aten, which radiates above 
him ; an utterly new type in Egypt, distinct from all 
previous sculptures. Each ray ends in a hand, and 
these hands lay hold of the king and queen, and support 
their bodies and limbs, sustain their crowns, give the 
power symbolised by the royal uraeus, and the life 
symbolised by the ankh pressed to their lips. If this 
were a new religion, invented to satisfy our modern 
scientific conceptions, we could not find a flaw in the 
correctness of this view of the energy of the solar 
system. How much Akhenaten understood we can-*"* 
not say, but he had certainly bounded forward in 
his views and symbolism to a position which we 
cannot logically improve upon at the present day. 
Not a rag of superstition or of falsity can be found 
clinging to this new worship evolved out of the old 
Aten of Heliopolis, the sole lord or *Adon of the 

The great hymn to the Aten is evidently an original 
composition of this reign, and in view of the large share 
in the new worship taken personally by the king, it is 
probable that this hymn is partly or wholly his own 
composition. It has been fully edited by Professor 
Breasted, and is here translated by Mr. Griffith. After 

B.C. 1383-1365.] THE ATEN WORSHIP 215 

an introduction stating that the king and queen adore 
the Aten, the hymn begins : 

(Aten ruling the course of the day.) [Morning 

Thy appearing is beautiful in the horizon of heaven, 
The Living Aten, the beginning of life ; 
Thou risest in the horizon of the east, 
Thou fillest every land with thy beauty. 


Thou art very beautiful, brilliant and exalted above earth, 
Thy beams encompass all lands which thou hast made. 
Thou art the sun, thou settest their bounds, 
Thou bindest them with thy love. 
Thou art afar off, but thy beams are upon the land ; 
Thou art on high, but the day passes with thy going. 


Thou restest in the western horizon of heaven, 
And the land is in darkness like the dead. 


They lie in their houses, their heads are covered, 
Their breath is shut up, and eye sees not to eye ; 
Their things are taken, even from under their heads, and they 
know it not. 


Every lion cometh forth from his den, 
And all the serpents then bite ; 
The night shines with its lights, 
The land lies in silence ; 
For he who made them is in his horizon. 

(A fen ruling all living beings.) 
The land brightens, for thou risest in the horizon, 

Shining as the Aten in the day ; 
The darkness flees, for thou givest thy beams, 

Both lands are rejoicing every day. 

Men awake and stand upon their feet, 

For thou liftest them up ; 
They bathe their limbs, they clothe themselves, 

They lift their hands in adoration of thy rising, 
Throughout the land they do their labours. 

The cattle all rest in their pastures, 

Where grow the trees and herbs ; 
The birds fly in their haunts, 

Their wings adoring thy ka. 
All the flocks leap upon their feet, 
The small birds live when thou risest upon them. 


[ Waters 

The ships go forth both north and south, 
For every way opens at thy rising. 
The fishes in the river swim up to greet thee, 
Thy beams are within the depth of the great sea. 

(A fen the source of life.) [Man 

Thou Greatest conception in women, making the issue of 

mankind ; 

Thou makest the son to live in the body of his mother, 
Thou quietest him that he should not mourn, 
Nursing him in the body, giving the spirit that all his growth 

may live. 

When he cometh forth on the day of his birth, 
Thou ppenest his mouth to speak, thou doest what he needs. 


The small bird in the egg, sounding within the shell, 
Thou givest to it breath within the egg, 
To give life to that which thou makest. 
It gathers itself to break forth from the egg, 
It cometh from the egg, and chirps with all its might, 
It runneth on its feet, when it has come forth. 

(A ten omnipresent.) 

How many are the things which thou hast made ! 
Thou Greatest the land by thy will, thou alone, 
With peoples, herds, and flocks, 

Everything on the face of the earth that walketh on its feet, 
Everything in the air that flieth with its wings. 

In the hills from Syria to Kush, and the plain of Egypt, 
Thou givest to every one his place, thou framest their lives, 
To every one his belongings, reckoning his length of days ; .^ 
Their tongues are diverse in their speech, 

Their natures in the colour of their skin. 
As a divider thou dividest the strange peoples. 

(A ten watering the earth.) 

When thou hast made the Nile beneath the earth, 
Thou bringest it according to thy will to make the people to 

live : 

Even as thou hast formed them unto thyself, * 
Thou art throughout their lord, even in their weakness. 

Oh, lord of the land that risest for them. 

Aten of the day, revered by every distant land, thou makest 

their life, 

Thou placest a Nile in heaven that it may, rain upon them, 
That it may make waters upon the hills like the great sea, 
Watering their fields amongst their cities. 
How excellent are thy ways ! 

. 1383-1365-] 



Oh, lord of eternity, the Nile in heaven is for the strange people, 

And all wild beasts that go upon their feet. 
The Nile that cometh from below the earth is for the land of 


That it may nourish every field. 
Thou shinest and they live by thee. 

(A fen causing the seasons.) 

Thou makest the seasons of the year to create all thy works ; 
The winter making them cool, the summer giving warmth. 
Thou makest the far-off heaven, that thou mayest rise in it, 
That thou mayest see all that thou madest when thou wast 

FIG, 133. Akhenaten, Nefertiti, and daughters. 

Rising in thy forms as the living Aten, 

Shining afar off and returning, 

The villages, the cities, and the tribes, on the road and the 

All eyes see thee before them, 
Thou art the Aten of the day over all the land. 
(Aten revealed to the iking.) 

Thou art in my heart, there is none who knoweth thee, except- 
ing thy son Nefer*kheperu'ra*ua'en'ra ; 

Thou causest that he should have understanding, in thy ways 
and in thy might. 

2i8 AKHENATEN CDVH. xvm. xo. 

The land is in thy hand, even as thou hast made them : 

Thou shinest ana they live, and when thou settest they die ; 

For by thee the people live, they look on thy excellencies until 
thy setting 1 . 

They lay down all their labours when thou settest in the west, 

And when thou risest they grow ........ 

Since the day that thou laidest the foundations of the earth, 

Thou raisest them up for thy son who came forth from thy sub- 

The king of Egypt, living in Truth, lord of both lands, Nefer 

Son of the sun, living in Truth, Akhenaten, great in his duration ; 

And the great royal wife, his beloved, lady of both lands, 

Nefert'iti, living and flourishing for ever eternally.". 

In this hymn all trace of polytheism, and of anthro- 
pomorphism, or theriomorphism, has entirely disap- 
peared. The power of the sun to cause and regulate 
all existence is the great subject of praise ; and careful 
reflection is shown in enumerating the mysteries of the 
power of the Aten exemplified in the animation of 
nature, reproduction, the variety of races, and the 
source of the Nile, and watering by rain. It would 
tax any one in our days to recount better than this the 
power and action of the rays of the sun. And no con- 
ception that can be compared with this for scientific 
accuracy was reached for at least three thousand years 
after it. The impress of the new Aten worship on the 
old formula is curiously given by a stele found aT~ 
Sakkara. It reads, "a royal offering to the Aten" 
(or, on the other side, "to Aten, prince of the two 
horizons, the sole god "), " living in truth, made by the 
overseer of the merchants of the temple of Aten, Huy." 
Here not only is the god's name changed, but the ka 
has disappeared, and the offering is "made by" (an) 
such an one (M.D. 56, 2). 

In ethics a great change also marks this age. The 
customary glorying in war has almost disappeared ; 
only once, and that in a private tomb, is there any 
indication of war during the reign. The motto " Liv- 
ing in Truth " is constantly put forward as the keynote 
to the king's character, and to his changes in various 

B.C. 1383-1365.] 



lines. And domestic affection is held up as his ideal of 
life, the queen and children being shown with him on 
every occasion. 

FIG. 134. Group of women. Tell el Amarna. 

In art the aim was the direct study of nature, with as 
little influence as possible from convention ; animals in 
rapid motion, and natural 
grouping of plants, were 
specially studied, and treated 
in a manner more natural than 
in any other Oriental art. 
This may be best seen in the 
pavement frescoes, and the 
columns covered with creepers, 
found at Tell el Amarna (P.A. 

The length of the reign is 
indicated by the dating on 
the series of wine jar frag- 
ments found at Tell el Amarna. 
These extend to year 17, and 
point therefore to a reign 
of 17 or 1 8 years. From these same jar datings we 
glean that the succeeding king, Ra'smenkh'ka, was 
co-regent with Akhenaten for a time; there are no 
dates of the first year, and no wine dates of the 
third year, but plenty of the second. This points to 
Ra'smenkh'ka having been associated in his first year, 
independent in his second, and having left the place in 

FIG. 135. Foliage on column. 
Tell el Amarna. 

220 AKHENATEN [DYN. xvm. to. 

the third year. Such a co-regency is also pointed out 
by the frequency of the rings of his naming him 
" beloved of Ra*nefer*kheperu," or " beloved of Ua'n* 
Ra " ; thus indicating his being dependent on Akhen- 
aten. Of such rings there are 25 known, against 
bnly 1 8 with the name Ra*ankh % kheperu alone. So by 
the proportion he would seem to have lived at Tell el 
Amarna mainly as a co-regent. 


The tomb of Akhenaten was excavated in a branch 
of one of the great valleys which open on the plain of 
Tell el Amarna. The situation resembles that of the 
tomb of Amenhotep III. at Thebes, but is more remote, 
being seven miles from the river (P. A. xxxiv.). The 
entrance is at the floor of a small side valley ; the 
passage, after descending a short way, has a chamber 
on the right hand, which is covered with scenes of the 
mourning for the second daughter, Makt'aten, showing 
that she died before her father. A passage also on the 
right side leads round to what seems to have been the 
beginning of a parallel tomb to the main one, but it 
was left unfinished. The main tomb passage descends 
onward until it reaches a level chamber supported 
formerly by four pillars ; on the right side of this is_ a 
smaller chamber. The main chamber has been all 
carved and painted on a stucco coat ; this has now 
dropped off, or been destroyed, leaving only traces of the 
work where it had been cut through to the limestone 
rock. In this chamber were fragments of a red granite 
sarcophagus covered with sculpture, and many pieces 
of granite ushabtis. The tomb was discovered by the 
natives many years ago, and a heart scarab with gold 
plate was then sold at Thebes. In 1891, M. Gr^baut 
obtained knowledge of the tomb, and it was cleared 
irregularly and without continuous supervision, the 
men employed selling the objects that were found. I 
describe it here from memory ; and the only plan yet 
published is a sketch in A.R., E.E. Fund, 1892, p. 12, 

B.C. 1383-1365-] MONUMENTS 221 

Near it are two other tombs in an adjacent branch of 
the valley ; but these are equally unpublished, and, so 
far as I know, not yet cleared. 

In considering the positions of the works of Akhen- 
aten, it must always be remembered that (unlike those 
of any other reign) they were very extensive at Tell 
el Amarna, and were all completely swept away from 
there in a short time. Hence they would not be used 
up like other buildings simply for local purposes ; 
but they had to be quickly got rid of, at any cost, some- 
where. They are, therefore, likely to have been taken 
to far greater distances than the remains of other 
kings ; and it is only when fragments are found in 
position, or state the locality of their erection, that we 
can infer that a building of this reign existed outside of 
Tell el Amarna. 

At Heliopolis there certainly was a temple built, as a 
piece of red granite found there gives the name of 
Mert'aten, and mentions the " building of Ra in An." 

At Memphis slabs have been found re-used (N. Aeg. 
1 17-134), bearing portions of the Aten rays and name of 
Akhenaten ; and many other pieces about Cairo, by the 
mosque of Hakem and the Bab en Nasr, may have 
come from here or from Heliopolis. A stele at Sakhara 
of an ' ' overseer of the merchants of the temple of 
Aten " named Huy, has been taken to prove the 
existence of a temple at Memphis ; but the official 
might have been of Heliopolis. The remains at Gurob, 
Eshmunen, and Qus, may have come from Tell el Amarna. 

At the capital of the new faith an enormous amount 
of work was done. The palace a group of uncon- 
nected buildings occupied a space of about 1500 x 500 
feet or more (P. A. xxxvi.). The great temple of the Aten 
was about 250 feet square ; it stood in an enclosure 
nearly half a mile long, within which were scattered 
various other buildings. Another temple, and many 
large buildings, taxed the royal resources ; while a 
town of private mansions and houses was the work 
of the bureaucracy. The palace appears to have been 
deserted early in Ra*smenkh*ka's reign, and the town 


[DYN. xvin. 10. 

was abandoned in the next reign of Tut 'ankh 'amen ; 
but even apparently as late as Horenvheb a cartouche 
was cut on the temple (P.A. xi. 5), although that king 
destroyed the buildings of the new faith. Of the great 

FIG. 136. School of music and dancing. 

temple most interesting views are given in the tombs ; 
the most intelligible in connection with the plan (P.A. 
xxxvii.) is that in L.D. iii. 94; in side view it is less 
clear (L.D. 96) ; and another view abbreviates the long 
enclosure (L.D. 102), but shows 
the position of the numerous 
statues of the king, queen, 
and Tyi, the fragments of which 
have been found (P.A. 18),,. 
Around the town many rock 
tablets were engraved, stating 
its boundaries. Of these, three 
are known on the west bank, 
and eleven on the east bank. 
They are fully stated in P.A. 
5-6 ; but only some of the most 
striking have been published, 
and those not exhaustively or 
correctly (L.D. iii. 91 a-f, no 

Rec. xv. 36). 

The plaster cast taken from the hea<J of Akhenaten 
after his death (P.A. front) was found along with the 
granite fragments of the working of his funeral fufni- 

FIG. 1 37. Part of ushabti 
of Akhenaten. 

a, b ; Pr. M. xii.-xiv. 

B.C. 1383-1365.] MON UMENTS 223 

ture, and the broken and spoiled granite ushabtis 
(P. A. 17). 

In many collections are examples or portions of the 
stone steles with which the palace was profusely 
decorated. These steles are always curved and 
slightly slanting at the top, and bear the scene of 
the king, queen, and daughter, offering, without any 
inscription beyond the names and titles. They are 
cut in all materials, limestone, alabaster, quartzite, 
black granite, red granite, etc. ; and their purpose is 
unknown. Such slabs are now in the Ghizeh Museum ; 
in the room built over the pavement at Tell el Amarna ; 
in the Ashmolean Museum ; Berlin Museum ; Cabinet 
des Medailles, Paris ; Lord Amherst's Collection ; and 
the Edwards Collection. 

Many minor pieces of sculpture, artists* trial pieces, 
fragments of sculptures and of vases, etc., are scattered 
in the various collections. A large quantity of jar 
sealings are to be found in the storehouses at Tell el 
Amarna (see Ashmolean Mus.) ; they bear names of 
Amenhotep as well as of Akhenaten. A great variety 
of glazed pottery finger rings, as well as the moulds 
for making them, were also found in the town and 
rubbish heaps of the capital (P.A.). 

South of the capital there are some rock tablets in 
the Hammamat valley ; one by an official Amen'hotep 
(G.H. i. 6), and another by an Amen'mes (G.H. i. 8), 
both probably early in the reign : a tablet with a scene 
has been altered by Sety I., but shows the remains of 
the Aten rays (G.H. iii. 5). 

At Thebes there certainly was building going on in 
the earlier years of the reign, the blocks there having 
the youthful figure of Amenhotep IV., and even show- 
ing the hawk-headed human figure of the god Harakhti 
(L.D. iii. no c ; see also Pr. M. 10-11). This building 
was all broken up, and re-used by Tut ankh 'amen and 
Horenrheb for other constructions at Karnak ; and 
that it was at Thebes is proved by an inscription at 
Silsileh recording the making of " great sandstone 
obelisks of Horakhti in Apfasut" (L.D. no i). 



[DYN. xvm. 10. 

Another monument of importance at Silsileh (E. bank) 
is a large rock tablet showing the king* adoring Amen 
Ra ; it is, therefore, one of the earliest objects in his 
reign (S.B.A. xi. 233). 

At Soleb, Akhenaten appears in the usual Egyptian 
style, adoring his father Amenhotep III. ; unhappily the 
faces are destroyed (L.D. iii. no k). This concludes 
the public monuments of the king ; and we now turn to 
minor remains. 

The most important small work of the reign is the 
beautiful and perfect statuette of the seated king in the 

Louvre (well figured in 
L.D. iii. 295, 44). Beside 
the head (B. Mus.), and 
the mass of fragments 
(Amherst Coll.), from the 
temple statues, there is 
also a shoulder in lime- 
stone (G. Mus.; W.G. 
402), a torso with car- 
touches in red quartzite 
(P.P. Coll.), and other 
fragments from the prolific 
ground of Tell el Amarna. 
The best portraits are7"in 
youth, the Karnak head 
(L.D. iii. 294, 42) and the 
head on the tomb of Ra'mes 
at Thebes ; in older life, the head in a group (L.D. iii. 
in), and the head of the statuette (L.D. iii. 294, 43); 
and, at the end, the very facsimile of the man in his 
death mask (P. A. front). The poorer quality of 
portraits are found in uncounted instances on tombs 
and fragments carved in this reign. 

A special class of objects of this king are the tablets 
bearing cartouches of the Aten on the face, and those 
of the king on the sides. These tablets were sometimes 
borne by kneeling statues of the king in adoration 

FIG. 138. Head of statuette in 

B.C. 1383-1365.] MONUMENTS 225 

(P.A. 18, 19) ; and larger ones stood separately as acts 
of devotion in the temple (L.T. 1378 ; Rec. xiv. 55). 
The tablets are sometimes of limestone, all in one with 
the statue ; others are of red granite and of blue glaze. 
Of minor objects of this reign there is a great amount 
(P.A. xiii. xx.). Rings of pottery are the commonest ; 
and rings of gold or of copper are frequent, as much 
so as scarabs. Some points indicate that the scarabs 
belong to the beginning of the reign ; a large one with 
the king supporting the Aten 
cartouches gives his name 
as Amenhotep, showing it 
to be before his 6th year ; 
other scarabs name him as 

1" be i Ve / A/ ^"'u r be l FIG. i 39 .~Scarabs of Amenhotep 
loved of Atmu, "beloved iv. 

of Tahuti," "beloved of 

Horakhti," " lord of the sweet wind," etc. The rings, 
on the contrary, are severely Atenistic. For the letters 
found at Tell el Amarna, see the chapter on the 
Decline of Egypt in Syria. 


The private tombs of this age are numerous, and 
afford nearly all the information that we possess for 
the periocl. The names of the principal persons are as 
follow, with the numbers of their tombs at Tell el 
Amarna as officially re-numbered in 1891, and published 
in the plan (P.A. xxxv.) The descriptions are from 
my own notes. 

Aahmes, tomb 3. "True royal scribe, fan-bearer 
on right of the king, keeper of the storehouses, 
keeper of the palace." Not much sculpture, 
some unfinished painting ; statue at end. Figure 
of Aahmes and prayer to the Aten (L.D. iii. 98 a; 
B.H. 449). 

Aniy, tomb 23. Son of Pa'kha. A peculiar tomb in 
every way: the inscriptions are of black inlaid in 

226 AKHENATEN [DYN. xvm. 10. 

white plaster, and the face of Aniy is curious. 
He was keeper of the palace to Amenhotep II., 
and scribe of the royal table. Two princesses 
are shown (Rec. xv. 43). 

Anui, stele from Tell el Amarna. G. Mus. (V.G, 

Apiy, tomb 10. Keeper of the palace. Figures of 
royal family, three princesses : fine work, no 
exaggeration, and heads perfect. 

Apuy, tomb at Thebes. Overseer of the offerings of 
Amen in Apt. Scenes of Amenhotep IV. ; archi- 
tecture in the other scenes of same age. (Name 
of Ramessu II. painted on a boat probably 
later ; like name of Alexander added on an 
amulet in XVII I th dynasty, tomb of Sen'nefer.) 
(M.A.F. v. 604.) 

Auta, court artist of Tyi (L.D. 100 a). Father Nauy 
and brother Kharu were scribes of sculptors ; 
wife, Nezenvmen'nefer, sister of Huy (?) (Lb. D. 

Ay, tomb 25. Fan-bearer at right of king, keeper of 
the mares, true royal scribe, divine father, after- 
wards king Ay ; wife Ty, nurse of the queen. 
Largest tomb, of splendid work, but quite un- 
finished, no tomb chamber. Five princesses. 
Scenes of the royal family and the popul^e 
(L.D. iii. 103-106 a ; Rec. xv. 45-9 ; Br. A.). 
Three discs of ivory with the above titles and 
" sent in the divine feasts" are in Turin (Rec. 
iii. 127). 

Ay, tomb 7. Same titles, and probably earlier tomb 
of same man ; scenes of tribute : royal family, 
three princesses and queen's" sister Nezenvmut 
(L.D. iii. 107 d-ic>9 J ^ ec - xv - 37) 

Bek, " overseer of works in the red mountain for the 
pylons, chief of the artists for the very great 
monuments of the king in the temple of Aten in 
Akhet'aten, son of the chief of the artists Men, 
born of Roy in An," adoring the king* and Aten 
on a rock tablet, Aswan (M.L i. 40). 

B.C. 1383-1365-] PRIVATE MONUMENTS 227 

Her'sekheper, tomb 13 ; or Neferkheperirherse' 
kheper: prince of Akhet'aten. Interior un- 
finished, inscription on door (Rec. xv. 38). 

Huy, overseer of merchants, stele Sakkara, wife 
Nezenrnefer (M.D. 56, 2). 

Huya, tomb i. Scribe of treasuries of Tyi, overseer 
of works in the palace. Scenes of visit of Tyi in 
1 2th year ; Akeiraten borne on a throne ; views 
of temple ; prisoners of Kharu ; two princesses 
and Bekt'aten (L.D. iii. 100-102). 

Kedet, ushabti with suten du hotep to the Aten for 
his sister Ket. Zurich Mus. (S.B.A. vii. 200). 

Kha'envuas, tomb, Memphis (Ms. G. 427). 

Mahu, tomb 9. Chief of the Mazau (police). Much 
fine sculpture ; scenes of king and queen in a 
chariot ; of runners capturing a man ; sentry- 
houses joined by a rope. One princess. Short 
hymn to Aten (M.A.F. i. 16). 

May, scribe, offering to Any in tomb 23 (Rec. xv. 45). 

Meryneit, keeper of temple, tomb Sakkara, frag- 
ments. G. Mus. (M.M. 449). Berlin (B.C. 2070, 
p. 199); and see worship of Neit at this time 
(P-A. 33). 

Nanay, statue, Thebes (B.G.I, i. p. 274). 

Nekt'pa'aten, tomb 12. Hereditary prince, seal- 
bearer, vizier (?) ; tomb only begun (Rec. xv. 38). 

Pa'ari, tomb at Thebes ; priest of Amen ; father, 
Shery ; sons, Ptah'mes, User'hat, Amen'hotep. 
A hieratic inscription by a priest Atefsenb is dated 
in the third year of a king " Ra'neferkheperu, 
son of the sun Aten 'iiefer "neferu . . ." Probably 
this is an early variant of Akhenaten's name, 
which he afterwards transferred to his queen on 
his marriage (M.A.F. v. 588). 

Pa-aten-envheb, tomb 24. Royal scribe, overseer of 
works in Akhet'aten. Chamber only begun 
(Rec. xv. 45). 

Pa'nehesi, tomb 6. Scenes of royal family adoring: 
four princesses ; horses and chariots ; palace 
front; etc. Sister, Abneba (L.D. iii. 91 h-p). 

228 AKHENATEN tow- xvm> . 

Penthu, tomb 5. Scene with fine gateway ; royal 
family with three princesses ; long- wide passage 
to chamber (L.D. iii. 91 q). 

Ptah'mery, tomb at Gizeh. Chief of goldsmiths of 
temple of Aten (Ms. G. 304). 

Ra'mery, tomb 2. Scenes of king in garden canopy, 
queen straining wine into his cup, six prin- 
cesses ; dancers and wrestlers ; Lybians, Amorites, 
and Syrians kneeling to the king. Mert'aten 
married to Ra'smenktrka, whose cartouches 
appear as the king in whose reign the tomb 
was finished (L.D. 98 b, 99 a, b). 

FIG. 140. Group of scribes. Flor. Mus. 

Ra'mery, tomb 4. High priest of Aten. Large tomb, 
scenes with views of temple with altars of burnt- 
offering ; palace and gardens ; royal family with 
four princesses ; guard carrying lantern ; blind 
harper with blind singers (see W.M.C. Fig. 218) 
(L.D. 92-97 d; Pr. A,; C.N. ii. 319): name on 
shard (P.A. 33). 

Ra'mes, tomb, Thebes, with portraits of the young 
Amenhotep IV. and older Akhenaten. 

Ra'mes, tomb n. Royal scribe, general, keeper of 
palace to Amenhotep III. Scenes of king, 
queen, and one princess (M.A.F. i. 9). Ushabti 

p.c. 1383-13*5.! PRIVATE MONUMENTS 229 

and carnelian serpent head inscribed : with a 
dealer at Thebes, 1895. 

Rud'ua, tomb o (before tomb i); name over north 
corner of door. 

Suta, tomb 19. Keeper of the treasury. Long pas- 
sage unfinished, nothing on facade. 

Suti, tomb 15. Fan-bearer behind the king; hall of 
columns begun, lintel and jambs inscribed 
(Rec. xv. 42). 

Tutu, tomb 8. Anvkhent ; grand tomb, hall of 12 
columns, long texts and scenes, but badly 
wrecked recently. Scenes of king, queen, and 
three princesses. The columns are decorated 
with groups of ducks, as in the palace (L.D. 
106 b-io7 c ; Rec. xv. 37). 

. . . amu, tomb 18 ; born of Pa'aten'ankh ; wide 
passage, well cut, end unfinished. 

tomb 14. Fan-bearer at the right of the 

king, general, keeper of the temple of Ra in 
Heliopolis, high priest of Aten, keeper of the 
temple of Aten, keeper of all the works of the 
king. Scenes of the king, queen, and three 
princesses ; five boats, etc., all painted in black 
outline. The owner was degraded, and his 
name and his figure everywhere erased and 
covered with plaster (Rec. xv. 42). 

For names of inspectors on ostraka, see P. A. 33. 


The marriage of Tadukhipa, daughter of Dushratta, 
we have already noticed ; and there can scarcely be a 
doubt but that she is the same person as the evidently 
foreign queen Nefertiti, who is the only wife ever 
represented with Akhenaten, and was mother of all his 
children that are known. Her hereditary claim to the 
throne, and probably Egyptian descent, has already 
been noted. She was married early in the 4th year 
of his reign, shortly before his father's death ; at first 
she took only the name of Nefertiti (P. A. xiii. 23), while 



[DYN. xvm. io 

her husband was known as Amenhotep (IV,). Before 
adopting the name Akhenaten, he seems to have occa- 
sionally (in 'his 3rd year) 
used the name Aten*nefer* 
neferu, or " the beautiful 
excellency of Aten" (M.A.F. 
v. 588), which name he trans- 
ferred later to the queen, 
who on all the Aten monu- 
ments is known as Aten* 
neferneferu-nefertiti. She 
appears to have had six 
daughters, and to have sur- 
vived Akhenaten, as she is 
shown actively waiting on 
him in his last days. From 
her age it is likely that she 
lived on till Horemheb, or even Sety I. 

The best portraits of the queen that are published 

FIG. 141. Death cast of 

FIG. 142. Nefertiti making an offering. 

are in the large group (L.D. iii. in), see Fig. 133, and 
the stele fragment (P.A. xii. i), see Fig. 142; while 

B.C. 1383-13650 ROYAL FAMILY 231 

for detail of physiognomy and perfect vitality, nothing 1 
can exceed the fragment of a statue (Amherst Coll.; 
P. A. i. 15), see Fig*. 117. Other portions of five 
statues of hers (or possibly some of Tyi, L.D. iii, 102) 
have been found by the Aten temple at Tell el Amarna 
(Amherst Coll. P.A. 18). 

A building specially belonging" to the queen, in the 
palace at Tell el Amarna, was probably her court or 
harim.(P.k. xxxvi). The columns were of glazed tile- 
work (P.A. 9), the walls painted with scenes (P.A. v.), 
and the floors frescoed over with paintings of pools, 
birds, cattle, wild plants, and bouquets (P.A. ii. iii. iv.). 
In the courtyard of this building was a well, covered 
with a canopy on beautifully carved columns, and round 
the coping of the wall ran a band of inscription with 
the queen's titles (P.A. x.). Many fragments of 
sculpture and of vases bear the queen's name ; and 
there are rings of hers, one of gold in the Louvre, 
others of pottery ; but no scarabs are known, that form 
having been early renounced by the king, probably 
before his marriage. 

Mert-aten, the eldest daughter, is shown on nearly 
all her father's monuments, standing behind her parents. 
She was born in probably the 4th year of his reign, as 
the second daughter was born in the 6th year ; and she 
was married to Ra'smenkh'ka, probably just before 
Akhenaten's death, as her husband was co-regent with 
Akhenaten at the last, and his and her names are found 
together in a tomb of which the decoration was in 
progress under Akhenaten (L.D. iii. 99 a). 

As Akhenaten reigned certainly 17, and probably 
18 years, this would make her about 13 when she was 
married. Her husband appears to have reigned for 
12 years, so that she was only 25 at his death. Rings 
with her name are known, but none show the transition 
to Amen worship ; from this and the total absence of 
scarabs of hers, it seems that she passed into obscurity 
before the fall of Atenism. 

Makt'aten, the second daughter, died very shortly 
before her father ; she appears in a group of six 



[DYN. xvm. 10. 

daughters (L.D. iii. 99 b), so she probably died between 
her Qth and nth year. Her tomb was a side chamber 
in the passage of her father's sepulchre ; and the royal 
family are there shown mourning for her. 

Ankh's*en*pa*aten, born about the 8th year of her 
father's reign, must have been but 10 years old at his 
death. After that, therefore in her sister's reign, she 
was married to Tufanklraten. After his accession he 
revived the Amen worship, and rings of his bear the 

double reading A < . > en'khepenrneb ; while later he 

was solely named Tut'ankrramen. Her name was 
changed to Ankh's*en*amen, " Her life is from 
Amen." She was probably only 31 at her husband's 
death, and nothing further is known of her. A few 
pottery rings with her name are found at Tell el 
Amarna, all apparently made at one time, perhaps for 
presents on her birthday. 

Of the other daughters, Nefernefenraten, Nefer* 
neferirra, and Sotep'en'ra, nothing is known beyond 
their figures and names on general monuments (L.D. 

FIG. 143.- Three princesses, their two nurses, and Nezenrmut. 

iii. 99). One of them married the son of Burnaburyas 
(see letter 16). The queen's sister, Nezenrmut, who is 
shown in one tomb (L.D. iii. 109), 'may be the same 
Nezenrmut who was the queen of Hor*enrheb. If she 

ac. 1383-1365.] ROYAL FAMILY 233 

were about 10 at the queen's marriage, she would have 
been about 24 at Akhenaten's death, and 62 at the 
death of Hor*enrheb. The difficulty is that his inscrip- 
tion implies that he did not marry her till his accession, 
when she would be 58. The marriage to a royal high 
priestess of Amen was, of course, purely a political 
necessity to legitimate the king's position ; but it would 
be strange if no younger priestess of the royal line 
could be then found. The parentage of Bakt'aten has 
been discussed at the end of the last reign. 




Gurob ring- (P.K. xxiii. 21). 

Tell el Amarna, name in tomb 2 (L.D. iii. 99 a ; Pr. M. 

P- 3)- 

,, piece of vase and knob (P-A. xiii. 37, 38). 

,, rings (P. A. xv. 92-105). 

Queen MERT'ATEN, tomb 2 (above), rings (P. A. xv. 106-7). 

Excepting a ring found at Gurob, this king is 
solely known from his remains at Tell el Amarna ; yet 
he does not seem to have lived there for more than two 
or three years after the death of Akhenaten, for in the 
great hall of pillars in the palace a heap of wine jars 
had accumulated, which bear dates of the 2nd year. 
This cannot be Akhenaten's 2nd year ; nor is it likely 
to be Tut'ankh'amen's date, as there is but one men- 
tion of Ra'smenkh'ka in all the tombs here, showing 
that he did not spend much of his twelve years' reign in 
the place. It seems, therefore, that he abandoned the 
palace in his 3rd year, and may have moved from 
there before that. This will account for the rarity of 
his monuments, as any at Thebes would be worked up 
by Horemheb, 



[DYN. xvin 

In the latest tomb at Tell el Amarna (No. 2), where 
Akhenaten has all six daughters figured, the decoration 
went on after his death, with the names of Ra'smenktr 
ka and Mert'amen. This is the only sculpture giving 
the names of this king, and the reading of the personal 
name has been uncertain : Lepsius read it Ra*se*aa*ka' 
nekht'kheperu (L.D. iii. 99 a); Prisse as Ra'se'hek'ka* 
serkheperu, but he shows that it was injured in his 
time(Pr.M. p. 3); unhappily it has all been destroyed 
in the horrible mutilation which has recently befallen 
the tombs here. The rings which bear this name are 
now our best authority for it (P. A. xv. 103-105); they 
show that Prisse was certainly right as to ser ; but they 

FIG. 144. Rings of Ankh' 

FIG. 145. Rings of Anklrkheperirra. 

1 . " Beloved of Nefer -kheperu 'ra." 

2. " Beloved of Ua'n'ra. 

3. Ankh'kheperu'ra (alone). 

give a different reading to the aa of Lepsius, or the hek 

of Prisse, for they indicate menkh as the sign. *"~ 

During his residence at Tell el Amarna this king 
always claimed his authority from his 
predecessor. His rings that belong to 
his residence here, being found in the 
palace rubbish, all read " beloved of 
Nefer 'khepenrra, " * or "beloved of 
Ua*n*ra," the names of Akhenaten. 
Other rings found in the town bear 
only his simple names, belonging pro- 
bably to the later part of his reign. A 
piece of an alabaster vase, and a green 

and violet glazed box handle, also bear his name (P. A. 

xiii. 37, 38). 

FIG. 146. -Ring of 

B.C. I36S-X3S3'] 



His queen we have already fully noticed under her 
father's reign. 







Serapeum, burial of Apis II. (M.S. iii. 2 ; M.S. 

Ms. 125). 

,, Pottery rings P.P. Coll. 

Gurob Alabaster vase P.P. Coll. (P.K. xviii.). 

Wooden cubit P.P. Coll. (P.I. xxiv. 12). 
,, Rings and pendants (P.K. xxiii.; P.I. 


Tell el Amarna Rings and pendants (P. A. xv.). 

Ekhmim Tomb (B.I.E. ii. ser. 6, 


Abydos Stele of Khonsu G. Mus. (M.A. 1109). 

Karnak 6 blocks in pylon (A.Z. xxii. 41 ; 

Pr. M. xi. i). 

,, Block usurped by Horemheb (L.D. 119 b). 

,, Block and statue (?) (Temple 

Thebes Restored temple of Tahut-'j 

Inscription on wood HS.B.A. x. 130). 

H. P. Coll. J 

,, TombofHui (L.D. 115-8). 

Scribe's palette with cartouche (C.M. 191, 2). 

Knob handles Leyd. M.; G. Coll.; P.P. Coll. 
Kohl tubes Leyd. M.; B. Mus. (Rev. A. 1.111.715). 

Portrait (L.D. iii. 296). 


Alabaster vase P.P. Coll. (P.K. xviii.). 

Wooden cubit P.P. Coll. (P.I. xxiv. 12). 

Kohl tube (Rev. A. 1.111.715). 

Scarabs and rings. 

Of this reign we know scarcely anything 1 , except 
from the fine tomb of Hui. The paintings on that 
show that the princes of the Rutennu in Syria, and of 


IDYN. xvin. 12. 

Kush in the Sudan, were both subject to Egypt, and 
brought offerings and tribute. This points to a 
continuity of Egyptian power, and shows that what- 

FIG. 147. Head of Tuf ankh 'amen. 

ever changes had gone on in the fall of Akhenaten's-* 
ideals, the vitality of Egypt abroad was not entirely 

The main feature of this reign was the reversion to the 

worship of Amen. 
This is indicated 
by the double 
reading of a ring 
as Amen or Aten 
(P. A. xv. 118); 
and also by the 

FIG. 148. Rings of Tufankh-aracn. king's name, Tuf 

1. A fen- Amen, JKa'kheperu'neo. ,*? T 

2, 3. Ra'kheperu'neb, Setep'amen'ra. ankn ' amen. In 

the long period 
assigned to Horos, 36 years in Manetho, which cannot 

U.C. I353-I344-1 



be applied to the 17 or 18 years reign of Akhenaten, 
we may see perhaps the duration of the Aten worship 
under the orthodox name of Horos. This would point 
to the occurrence of the change in 
this reign. 

The claim of Tufanklramen to 
the throne was through his wife, 
Ankhsenpaaten, altered to Ankhsen- 
amen, the daughter of Nefertiti and 
Akhenaten ; he may also have been 
descended of the royal family, though 
the fact that he 
calls Amenhotep 
III. his father (on 
the Barkal lions, 
B. Mus. ; Rec. xi. 
212) cannot be 
taken as proving 
a natural relation- 


FIG. 149. Ring of 

FIG. 150. Pendant 
of Tutankhamen. 

The monuments of this reign are not wide spread, 
for they only appear in the heart of Egypt, from 
Memphis to Thebes. At the 
Serapeum one Apis was buried 
in this reign. The tomb con- 
tained four canopic jars, and 
some glazed pendants with 
the name of the king, "be- 
loved son of Hepu" (M.S. 
in, pi. 2, p. 8 ; M.S. Ms. 

At Gurob some objects of 
this reign were found ; pieces 
of an alabaster vase, and a 
wooden cubit, inscribed for 
the king and queen and rings F ^^^S 
and pendants also (P.K. xvni. and queen. F.P. Coll. 
xxiii. ; P.I. xxiii. xxiv.). 

At Tell el Amarna there are no buildings or tombs of 
this reign, but the town was not yet deserted, as rings 

238 KHEPERU-NEB'RA IDYN. xvm, 12.] 

of his are found scattered about. Private remains of a 
tomb at Ekhmim, and a stele from Abydos, are known 
(B.I.E. ii. ser. 6, 87 ; M.A. 1109). 

At Karnak the only remains of buildings are in 
blocks re-used by Horemheb in his pylon X. (Pr. M. xi. 
i ; W.G. 404 ; and apparently in the same pylon, A.Z. 
xxii. 41) ; and a block in the temple of Mut. A large 
grey granite statue there is probably of this king 
also. On the western bank Tut'ankh'amen restored 
a temple of Tahutmes IV. , as we learn from a fragment 
of the furniture (H.P. Coll., S.B.A. x. 130). The fine 
paintings of the tomb of Hui we have already noticed ; 
unhappily they have been largely injured since the 
copying by Lepsius (L.D. 115-8). 

A few small objects and scarabs, and many rings and 
ring moulds, are known. The 
best portrait of the king is that 
copied by Lepsius (L.D. iii. 296, 
49). See Fig. 147. 

The queen, Anklrs'en'amen, 
was very important, and her name 
FIG. 152 -Bronze ring of j s almost as often found as that 
utankhamen. Kl. Qf her h usband- Such promin . 

ence points to her descent being 

more important than that of her husband, owing to her 
being the daughter of Nefertiti and Akhenaten. No 
children are known. 




NETER-HEQ-UAS (^JJf]||j| B<C< 

Tomb Valley of kings' tombs (L.D. ii3a-g). 

[B.C. 1344-1332.) 





F.P. Coll. 
P.P. Coll. 

(P.K. xxiii. ; P.I. 


(L.D. iii. ii4a-d). 
(C.N. ii. 45). 
(L.D. iii. ii4.e-h). 

Ekhmim Shrine 

Karnak Blocks re-used 

Shatawi (22 if Shrine of Pasar 


Portrait From tomb (R.S. xv. 63). 

Stele of Mhvnekht, 4th year Berlin Mus. (L.D. 1141). 

,, ,, Louvre Mus. (P.R. ii.oo; 

S.B.A.T. viii. 306). 

,, Tutu B. Mus, 130. 

Rings, gold, Leyd. Mus. ; pottery, various. 
Queen TV. 

Head at Ekhmim shrine (L.D iii. ii4d). 

Figure in king's tomb (B.E. 226). 

The descent of this king and his queen is unknown ; 

FIG. 1 53. Head of Queen Ty. 

and we can only presume that one or other were 
of royal blood, from their being allowed to take 

2 4 


CDYN. xvm. 13. 

possession of the throne. The queen is called the 
" great heiress," which would indicate her royal 
descent (L.D, 1130). Ay was not a king's son, but 
only calls himself " divine father," a priestly title. 
There can be no doubt but that he is the same divine 
father Ay, whom we have seen to have the grandest 
tomb at Tell el Amarna ; for that tomb being un- 

FIG. 154. Ay and Ty, from the great tomb, Tell el Amarna. 

finished (as also a yet earlier one of the same man), 
there is no evidence against his having made a fresh 
tomb in the royal valley at Thebes when he there 
attained to power. The Ay of Tell el Amarna had a 
wife, Ty, and the same name appears, for the queen of 
Ay. Ay had been fan-bearer at the king's right hand, 
keeper of the mares, true royal scribe, and divine 


father; and Ty, his wife, was " great nurse, nourisher 
of the goddess queen, adorner of the king " (L.D. 105 f). 
The likeness of this nurse to queen Ty is evident in the 
above figures. And Ay the official is also like King Ay. 

Ay shows a complete reversion to the older worship. 
His first tomb (7 at Tell el Amarna) has three 
princesses, and was therefore decorated about the Qth 
year of Akhenaten (about 1374 B.C.), so that he can 
hardly have been born later than 1400 B.C. His second 
tomb (25 at Tell el Amarna) has five princesses, so it 
belongs to about the i3th year, and was sumptuously 
worked during the last six or eight years of Akhenaten. 
These dates would place the working of his third 
tomb (Thebes) to as late or later than the 56th to 68th 
year of his age. There was thus plenty of time for him 
to forget the new faith, for which he had taken so 
strong a part in his early days. And in place of the 
suppression of the ka formula, as under Akhenaten 
(M.D. 56, 2), the figure of the king's ka is put forward 
in his tomb (L.D. 113 a). For a portrait from the 
tomb see R.S. xv. 63. 

The principal monument of this reign is a shrine cut 
high up on the face of the cliffs behind Ekhmim. A 
grand rock-cut faade with figures and inscriptions, 
some twenty feet high, rises above a rock cell or chapel 
(L.D. iii. ii4a-d). The tomb of the king in the 
western valley at Thebes (L.D. ii3a-c) contains a red 
granite sarcophagus, with figures of Isis, Nebhat, Selk, 
and Neit at the corners, embracing the block with 
their wings (L.D. 113 d, g ; Pr. A.). A re-used block at 
Karnak, on the south side of the pylon II., shows 
that Ramessu II. destroyed some building of Ay 
(C.N. ii. 45). 

At Shatawi, a few miles south of Abusimbel, on the 
east side, is a rock-cut shrine made by Pa'sar, the 
prince of Kush. He there adores Anpu, Sebek, 
Usertesen III., and Anuke ; while the king offers 
to Amen, Ra, Ptah, Mentu, Hor, and Sati (L.D. iii. 

Of private remains there are two steles of Min'nekht, 
n 1 6 



who was overseer of works in the temple of Ay, prince, 
first prophet of Min and Isis in Apu (Ekhmim), overseer 
of storehouses of all the gods in Takahti, and of Min 
in Khenti. These steles probably come from Ekhmim. 
One stele is in Berlin, dated in 4th year (L.D. iii. 114! ; 
S.B.A.T. viii. 312); the other in the Louvre (P.R. ii. 
90; S.B.A.T. viii. 306). A stele 
of this reign, for Thuthu, royal 
scribe, keeper of the palace, is .in 
the British Museum (Lb. D. 615). 

Of small objects the finest is a 
gold ring at Leyden (P.Sc. 1355). 
Pottery rings are found at Mem- 
phis ; but such are not common, 
and the scarabs are even scarcer. 

Queen Ty is only shown in the tomb (defaced), and 
on the Ekhmim stele (L.D. iii. ii4d). Her earlier 
figure (before accession) is at Tell el Amarna (L.D. iii. 
105 f). No children are known. 


' I 55- Scarab of Ay. 
F.P. Coll. 

XVIII. i 4 . 








Royal tomb unknown. 

Memphis Tomb before accession 

,, r Apis burials, Serapeum 

,, Piece of stele 

,, Capital in Cairo 


Gurob Ring-s 

74, 75; 

ii. 92 ; A.Z. xv. 

149; R.E. ii. 

(M.S. iii. 4, 1-6; 

M.S. Ms. 66). 
(F.P. Coll.). 
(W.G. 409). 
(F.P. Coll.). 
(P.K. xxiii. ; P.I. 


[B.C. 1332-1328.] 



Tell el Amarna 




Deir el Bahri 

Medinet Habu 

Kom Ombo 
Gebel Addeh 

Fragment in Aten temple 
Frog" with queen's name 
Pylon X. 
Pylon XI. 

Connecting- walls of pylons 
Avenue of 128 sphinxes 

Wall between pylon V. and 

Inscription in temple of 

~ ah 

(P.A. xi. 5). 
(M.A. ii. 40 m). 
(C.N. ii. 180). 
(L.D. iii. 119 e; 

R.A. 64). 

(C.N. ii. 180; M.D. 

88; B.E. 1 65-6). 

(C.N. ii. 174; M.K. 

(C.N. ii. 139). 

(A.Z. xxvi. 70). 
(M.K. 47 d). 

Block in pylon of Khonsu (C.N. ii. 217, 221). 


Usurped colonnade 
Restoration inscription 


Rock temple, scenes of gods 

,, ,, Sudan war 

Block re-used by Ptolemies 
Lion-headed statue 
Rock shrine 

Steles (3) as general 


Fragment (from tomb ?) 

P. Mus. 
L. Mus. 
Zizinia Coll. 

(B.E. 129). 
(C.N. i. 574; 

iii. H9c). 
(L.D. iii. 202 d). 
(L.D. iii. H9f, g, h). 
(L.D. iii. 120-1). 
(P.O.N. 479). 
(My. E. 538). 
(L.D. i22a-f; plan 

in C.M. ii. 5). 

(P.R. ii. 57). 
(A.Z. xxiii. 80). 
(S.B.A. xi. 424). 
(S.B.A. xi. 425). 

Statues, colossal, M. Habu Berl. M. 

,, ,, seated, Luqsor Hotel 

,, with queen T. Mus. 

,, with Amen T. Mus. 

,, with Horus (Castel Cattajo) 
Bust from kneeling statue F. Mus. 
Hathor cow suckling king F. Mus. 
Portraits, best, from statue 

,, ,, from pylon 

Ostrakon, 2ist year 

B. Mus. 

Papyrus, 6 lines broken G. Mus. 
Wooden vase 

(L.D. iii. 112 c). 

(W.G. 411). 

(L.T. 1379; R.S. 


iii. 486). 
(C.F.E. pi. 85). 
(W.G. 411). 
(S. Cat. F. 1507). 
(S. Gat. F. 1225). 
(L.D. iii. ii2c). 
(L.D. iii. 112 a ; 

R.A. 64). 
(B.I.H.D. 14; B.H. 

(W.G. 412). 



IDYN. xvin. 14. 

Bronze plaque P. Mus. (P.L. p. 108). 

Rings, amulets, and scarabs (W.M.C. ii. 

etc. etc.). 

Statue with king T. Mus. (L.T. 1379*'. 

xliv. 5, A' \ 
Rings (P.P. Coll.) ; scarab (Berl. M.). / At '' 


The first question that arises in this r 
the king is the same person as the generafj Horemheb 
the portions of whose tomb from Sakka a are SQ we jj 
known. This tomb belonged to an , J official whose 
dignities closely correspond ^ to thcj se which ki 
Horemheb states that he exercised bef ore his access i on * 
Not only is there a wide claim try having . been only 
second to the king m all respect^ b both the ^ 

and the hereafter king, but ' the predse po ^ sitions 
occupied by each are-.gractica1|y exclusive of any other 
such official. We read~*m the statue at Turin about 
the king, and on other monuments about the general as 
follows : 


King Horemheb before acces- 
sion had been 

(6) Appointed to fix laws ; 

(6) Alone without a second ; 

(7) He satisfied the king about 
quarrels in the palace ; 

(9) Governed Egypt for many 
years ; 

(n) As chief and heir of the 
whole land. 


the general Horemheb was 

chosen to regulate both lands, 
hearer of trials alone (M.D. 


sole companion, chief above the 
chiefs, great above the great 
(M.D. 74); 

keeper'of the palace (M.D. 74) ; 
judge in the palace, chief of 
secrets of the palace, fan- 
bearer of the king (R.E. ii. 
104-6) ; 

prince in the land to its limits 

chief general, great chief of the 
people, heir (M.D. 74). 

B.C. I332-I328.] 


When we further see that the " many years " of king 
Horemheb must extend through the reign of Ay, and 
perhaps back into that of 
Tufankh'amen ; while the 
general's monuments begin 
at the end of the Aten 
period, which was under 
Tutankhamen, and go on 
into the full polytheism 
which succeeded that, it is 
evident that these two great 
viceroys were contempor- 
ary. Is it possible, then, to 
suppose that two different 
persons of the same name 
wielded the same unique 
powers over the whole 
country, at the same period? 
I think not. Horemheb the 

FIG. 156. Head of Horemheb. 

general must, in face of such statements, be the same 
as Horemheb the hereafter king, and as such we treat 
him here. 

A discrepancy exists between Manetho and the 
monuments in the chronology of the reign. We have 
seen how in previous reigns the years, and even the 
months, stated by Manetho fit together with the 
monumental record, showing scarcely any signs of 
error ; and we should therefore try all hypotheses 
before resorting to the rejection of the historian's state- 
ments. In Manetho, summarised by Africanus, we find 
5 years, in the more detailed copy by Josephus, 4 years 
i month, a slight difference, due, perhaps, to the 
treatment of odd months in other reigns. But, beside 
monumental dates of the ist and 3rd years on important 
work, we find on one ostrakon the 7th and 2ist years 
are named. In judging between the Short reign of 
5 years and the. long one of 21 years there are a few 
external points. It is true that two Apis burials 
probably belong to this reign ; but one of these was 
added by cutting a side chamber in the tomb of 

246 RA-SER'KHEPERU tw. mn. 14. 

the other, and finishing it before the plastering and 
decoration of the outer tomb. The junction of the 
tombs points to one burial closely following on the 
other ; and the decorating of the first tomb appears not 
to have been done till the second was used. The name 
of Horemheb is only found in the ruins of the chapel 
over the first tomb. Certainly the conditions do not 
impose a long reign on the history : for the second Apis 
seems to have been buried in an emergency, soon after 
the first, yet not necessarily in the same reign. 
Looking to the future, the reign of Ramessu II. is tied 
by the Sirius festival of Merenptah ; but we might 
shorten the reign of Sety to make room for 21 years 
for Horemheb ; yet if we did so, the relation of the era 
of Menophres to Men*peh*ra would be certainly thrown 

There is one solution of the discrepancy which seems 
quite possible. If Horemheb dated his monuments 
from his accession for the first few years ; and then, on 
his finally destroying the Aten worship, if he dated back 
his reign from the time of Amen being re-established 
under Tut *ankh 'amen, we should have a solution. 
That Horemheb had helped to re-establish Amen 
appears very likely ; but that he did not abolish the 
Aten until some way on in his reign, is shown by his 
name being carved in the Aten temple when not yst 
destroyed at Tell el Amarna. We conclude, then, that 
the i st and 3rd years are dated from the accession to 
sole power, but that, on final abolition of the Aten 
worship, Horemheb glorified himself by dating back 
throughout his viceregal period to the time when he 
had come into favour as the restorer of Amen. The 
ostrakon dated in the 2ist year, and referring to the 
7th year, would then be of the 5th year of his sole reign, 
and refer back to the 3rd year of Ay, reckoned as the 
7th of HoremKeb. This is the best result yet attain- 

The earliest monument of Horemheb is a stele at 
Leyden (A.Z. xxiii, 80), where he is figured in the style 

B.C. 1334-1328.] HOR'EM-HEB 247 

of Akhenaten, adoring the god Horakhti. He was 
already " great general." This may well be towards 
the middle of the reign of Tut'anklramen, say 13506.0.; 
and if the " great general " was then 40, he would have 
been born about 1390. Next come three steles in 
Paris, where he adores the gods of Abydos, Up'uat, 
Anpu, and Hathor ; he is called royal scribe and 
general (P.R. ii. 57). Next he began the decoration of 
his tomb at Memphis, and a stele (B.M. 551) bears a 
hymn to Turn Horakhti, born of Hathor, son of Ptah, 
and names Tahuti, Maat, Osiris, and Horus (A.Z. xv. 

The door jambs show him bearing the royal uraeus 
(a sign of the supreme judge), and name him as " Heir, 
chancellor, sole companion, chief over the chiefs, great 
over the great ones, hearer of trials alone, keeper of 
the palace, great general, overseer of the prophets 
of Horus, follower of the king, royal scribe, great 
prince of the rekhitu, sent by the king at the head of 
his soldiers against the lands of the south and north, 
he whom the king has chosen to regulate both lands, 
general of the generals of the king, he who makes joy 
in the whole land, chief of the secrets of the palace, 
acting alone, treasurer of the royal guard, companion 
of his master on the field of battle that day he over- 
threw the Sati " (M.D. 74-5). 

Somewhat later may be the other parts of the tomb, 
in which he is further entitled " Judge of the palace, 
and fan-bearer at the king's right hand" (R.E. ii. 
104-6). While later still the door jambs (B. Mus.) add 
that he was " prince in the entire land, scribe of the 
recruits, overseer of works in the mountains of quarry- 
ing abundantly for the king in both lands " (S.I. ii. 92). 
Thus all military, judicial, courtly, religious, and 
business power had gradually come intQ the hands of 
this great noble during the feeble reign of Ay. The 
general cannot have been very strong at the beginning 
of Ay's reign, or the " divine father" would never have 
reached the throne. It seems as if there had been a 
great outburst of Amen worship at the close of Tut* 

248 RA-SER'KHEPERU [DYN. xvm. x 4 . 

ankh'amen's reign, and a religious representative stood 
firmest in the kingdom ; while real power steadily 
accumulated in the strong hands of the general who 
became viceroy. 

A most valuable picture of his rise is given in his 
autobiography after his accession. On the granite 
group of him and Nezenrmut at Turin we read that 
"Amen king of the gods dandled him, and Horus was 
his protection like amulets on his body ; when he came 
forth from the womb he was enveloped in reverence, 
the aspect of a god was upon him ; the arm was bowed 
to him as a child, and great and small did obeisance 
before him. When he was a youth and unlearned, the 
form of a god was in his aspect, in beholding his figure 
one was strengthened. His father Horus stood behind 
him, forming and protecting him . . . knowing the 
day of his peace to give to him his kingdom. 
Behold this god advanced his son in the face of all 
people, he made wide his way until the day came when 
he should receive his office, until in his time the heart 
of the king was satisfied with his matters, rejoicing in 
his choice. He placed him at the head of the land to 
secure the laws of the two lands, as Heir of the whole 
land. He was alone without a rival, and the ways of the 
people were according to his command. He was called 
before the king, for if there were a quarrel in the pal-ace 
he opened his mouth and answered and satisfied the 
king with his speech. All his ways were regulated 
even as the pace of an ibis, his wisdom was that of the 
lord (Tahuti) of Hesart (Eshmunen), rejoicing in truth 
like Khenty, pleased of heart therewith like Ptah. 

" Behold he was governing both lands for many years, 
the controllers reported to him in obeisance at the gates 
of the palace, the chiefs of the foreigners (nine bows) 
both south and north came- before him with their arms 
stretched out, they adored his face like a god. What was 
done, was done by his command ; his reverence was 
great before the people, and they prayed for him wealth 
and health (part of the royal ascription). He was truly 
the father of both lands, with the perfect wisdom of the 



divine gift to secure the laws. Years passed over these 
things while the heir of Horus was as chief and heir of 
the entire land. 

"Behold this noble god Horus, lord of Hat-suten, 
desired In his heart to establish his son upon his throne 
of eternity. Horus proceeded in rejoicing to Thebes, 
the city of the eternal lord, with his son in his embrace, 
even to Karnak, until he came into the presence of 

FIG. 157. -Negroes and Asiatics adoring the king. 

Amen in order to give to him his office as king, to make 
his length of days. Behold Amen appeared in his noble 
feast in southern Thebes ; and when he saw the majesty 
of this god, even Horus of Hat-suten an/1 his son with 
him, in the royal entry, to give him his office and his 
throne, then behold Amen'ra met him in rejoicing. In 
the day of giving his satisfaction then he conveyed him- 
self to this chief heir and prince of both lands Horem- 
heb ; he went to the house of the king, going before 

250 RA-SER-KHEPERU CDYN. xvin. 14- 

him to the palace of his great and noble daughter. 
She made obeisance, she embraced his beauties, she 
placed herself before him, and all the gods rejoiced at 
his appearing." 

From this account it would seem that Horemheb was 
not married to Nezenrmut until his accession, when he 
legalised his position by becoming husband of the high 
priestess of Amen, as in the arrange- 
ment under the later dynasties (M. A. F. 
i 74^-764). This marriage was an 
il i i affair of politics solely, considering 

w 11 the age of the parties ; Horemheb 

i I An was probably between fifty and sixty 

\\i +Jr at the time, and if the queen Nezenv 

mut was the same as Nefertiti's sister 
FIG. 158. Ring of Nezenrmut, she must have been of 
Nezenrmut. t.P. , ,1 TT ti_ 

Coll. about the same age as Horemheb. 

No children are known of this marriage 
to contradict such a supposition. 

Much confusion has arisen in modern works from a 
false identification of Horemheb with Horus of Man- 
etho ; even to the present time Horemheb is often 
called Horus, whereas it is clear from the lists that 
Horus is Akhenaten, or the duration of Atenism, while 
Horemheb is named as Armais. The confused account 
of classical authors about Sesostris leaving Armais -HI 
charge of the kingdom cannot refer to the king Horem- 
heb, but probably to some other prince of this name. 
It is possible that the eldest son of Sety I. was called 
Horemheb (S.B.A. xii. 258; L.D. iii. 128 a); but the 
general Horemheb of the Memphite tomb cannot be as 
late as Sety by the style of his work* 

Of the reign of Horemheb we know very little. By 
an inscription of the first year, Khoiak 22, we learn of 
his attention to the worship of Ptah (M. K. 47 d, in 
temple M.K. plan G). And in his third year the tomb 
of Neferhotep is dated (D.H. xl. e). But there is no 
evidence that his wars in the south and conquest in the 
Sudan, or his war with the Ha'nebu in the north, was 
during his brief reign. Such activities would be more 

B.C. 1332-1328.1 HOR-EM -HEB 251 

in place during his earlier life, and he may well have 
executed these monuments to record the triumphs of 
his generalship. The only later 
dates are on an ostrakon, on which 
a man petitions about the tomb of 
Hai his father, saying that it was 
granted in the yth year of Hor- 
emheb, and now in the 2ist year 
no king named he received title- FIG. 159. Scarab of 
deeds of it. There is no proof that Horemheb. "Found- 
the 2ist year might not refer to Amen^ F e p P Coll f 
Sety's reign ; but, as we have 
noticed, it is quite possible that, after Horemheb 
abolished Aten worship, he dated his reign from his 
generalship. That the Aten worship, though dis- 
placed from its pre-eminence under Tut *anklr amen, 
was not abolished, appears from Horemheb's name 
being carved on the Aten temple at Tell el Amarna 
(P. A. xi. 5), and the expression " Ra, his body is Aten" 
remaining in the 3rd year of this king (M.A.F. v. 499); 
but soon Horemheb swept away all trace of it, carrying 
away even the foundations of Akhenaten's work, and 
also re-using the buildings of Tut *ankh 'amen and of Ay 
in his pylons at Thebes. 

The great work of his reign appears to have been to 
regulate the country. Having come to the throne 
through the power of the soldiery, he found it needful 
to check that power and prevent the abuses of it which 
were only too certain in a military rule. A long inscrip- 
tion at Karnak might be entitled "The Justice of the 
King," being occupied with tales of his decisions 
against the plundering by the soldiers ; set up much like 
a list of convictions by a railway company. We can only 
give an outline of the lengthy story : the first tale is of 
a poor man who made a boat and sail to follow the 
king, probably a sutler of the court-camp ; he was 
robbed of his goods because he could not pay the 
duties. The king decided that anyone who oppressed 
a poor man * * who pays taxes to the breweries and 
kitchens of the king by the two agents of the soldiers," 

252 RA-SER-KHEPERU [DYN. xvm. 14. 

should be punished by cutting off his nose and sending 
him to Zaru. This banishment to the eastern frontier 
is like the later mutilation of the nose and exiling to 
Rhinocolura, mentioned by Pliny and Diodorus. Also 
if a wood-seller had his boat plundered, the penalty 
should be the same on the thieves. The servants of the 
palace, when making requisition for the king, shall not 
take more for themselves. The two divisions of the 
soldiers, south and north, were incessantly plundering, 
and even took the skins or hides which were already 
stamped by the State for payment in kind. The 
collectors of the skins had this complaint made to 
them. Each soldier who after that date should go 
about plundering the skins, shall receive 100 blows so 
that five wounds are opened, and have the skins taken 
from him. These abuses had been inquired into under 
Tahutmes III., who went up and down the river ex- 
amining them. But fraud had come even into the 
inspection, "and the officers put in charge also went to 
the officials, saying, Give us the profit of the fraudulent 
inspection." So now Horemheb himself goes on 
inspection on the feast of Apt (Rec. vi. 49; A.Z. 
xx vi. 70). 

This account shows how bitterly the country was 
paying the price of its foreign conquests, in its oppres- 
sion by a standing army. No form of tyranny in the 
East is so bad as that of an undisciplined army, as 
soldiers ravage over a whole country, and have not 
even the discretion which a local oppressor or robber 
has, to avoid destroying his future supplies. 

Of the end of Horemheb we know nothing ; but, 
considering his age, he may well have died a natural 

At Memphis were the remains of his private tomb, 
and the buriafs of two Apis bulls in the Serapeum 
already noticed. A capital in the Derb el Gamamiz in 
Cairo probably came from here (W.G. 409), as also a 
piece of an inscription dated in year 5 + x (P.P. Coll.), 
and many green glazed finger rings. 

B.C, 1332-1328.] MONUMENTS 


At Gurob many rings of his were found (P.K. xxiii.; 
P.I. xxiii.) : there were none, however, at Tell el 
Amarna, showing that the town was deserted, although 
the Aten temple was inscribed under this reign. From 
Abydos comes a frog with the queen's name (M.A. 
ii. 40 m). 

At Karnak two great pylons belong to this king, as 
also the connecting walls at the sides of them. The 
pylons (X. and XI. of Baedeker) were built out of the 
blocks of a temple of Akhenaten (B.E. 165) and Tut- 

FIG. 160.- Headof Horemheb. 

ankhamen which stood here (Rec. vi. 53) ; pylon XL 
has a magnificent doorway of red granite, sculptured 
with four scenes on each side of the door, and on both 
faces of the pylon, but the S.E. corner is now destroyed 
(L.D. 119 e ; R.A. 64) ; pylon X. has Jiad the doorway 
renewed by Ramessu II. (M.K. plan), and was re- 
inscribed by that king (C.N. ii. 180). On the E. wall 
joining the pylons are the figures of the chiefs of Punt 
(figures M.D. 88, inscription B. Rec. 57), and the 
captives of the Ha-nebu and Khita conquered by 


[DYN. xvm. 14. 

Horemheb (S.B.A. xi. 423). On the W. wall of the 
court is figured the sacred bark of Amen (B.E. 

Before the pylons there stretched an avenue of 128 
sphinxes, to the temple of Mut. These sphinxes are 
described as being the finest at Thebes ; the form is a 
lion's body with a ram's head (C.N. ii. 174). A wall 
was built also between pylon V. and the granite 
sanctuary (C.N. ii. 139). The great stele of the king's 
justice at Karnak, about 16 feet high and 10 feet wide, 
we have already described. 

At Luqsor, Horemheb placed his name on the grand 
columns of Amenhotep III. in the colonnade before his 
temple (B.E. 129). At Deir el Bahri he claimed to 
have restored the monuments of Tahutmes III., 
" father of his fathers " ; and it really seems not unlikely 
that the recarving and painting of the scenes erased by 
Tahutmes III. might have been due to this king ; his 
fervour for Amen would account for such care: also 
Punt had come forward into notice again in this reign, 
and the re-working is too good 
for anything of the XlXth 
dynasty (C.N. i. 574). At 
Medinet Habu he also claims 
restorations, in a line of in- 
scription on either side of tire 
main entrance at the N. end of 
court M (L.D. iii. 202 d). 

At Silsileh the large rock 
temple cut in the western cliff is 
specially devoted to scenes of the 
negro war. -The soft sandstone 
is not adapted for fine work, and 
the execution is but poor com- 
pared with earlier carving. There 
is some good natural posing, 
however, in the figures and ex- 
pressions of th'e negroes (L.D. iii. 
119-121). At Kom Ombo a block of this king was 
re-used by the Ptolemies (P.O.N. 479). And at Kuban 

FIG. z6x. Negroes, Silsileh 

B,C. 1332-1328.] MONUMENTS 355 

in Nubia a lion-headed statue of this reign is said to 
have been seen (My. E. 538). A rock shrine at Gebel 
Addeh is an important work, but appears to be purely 
religious, and not to contain any reference to the 
Nubian war. This makes it the more likely that the war 
was past and over before Horemheb came to the throne, 
and that it was only brought forward as the great event 
of his life on the Silsileh temple, and not as an action 
of the time of the sculpture. 

Of statues there are admirable examples. The upper 
part of a colossal figure from Medinet Habu (Berlin M.) 
is very fine (L.D. iii. 112 c) ; as also the group in white 
limestone of Amen and the king (T. Mus.). The group 
with the queen in syenite is valuable for the long in- 
scription which we have quoted (T. Mus.). A colossal 
figure at the Luxor Hotel, and a group with Horus at 
Battaglia (in Castel Cattajo), are only mentioned by 
Wiedemann (W.G. 411). The bust in red basalt (?) at 
Florence evidently came from a kneeling statue leaning 
forward making an offering ; but the face is not much 
like Horemheb, and there is nothing to show the name 
(S. Cat. F. 1507). The hinder half of a Hathor cow 
suckling the king, in red granite, is of rude work (Flor. 
Mus.; S. Cat. F. 1225). The best portrait published in 
the round is from the Berlin statue (L.D. iii. 112 c), and 
on the flat from the pylon (L.D. iii. 112 a, and another 
photographed in R.A. 64). The small objects of this 
reign do not need any particular notice. A fine gold 
ring in Leyden bears the Hornub and vulture and 
uraeus names of the king. Scarabs, plaques, and 
rings are all usual. 


There are not many private remains of this time, and 
this accords with the shortness of the reign. 

Amen'em'apt, overseer of the palace and of the gran- 
aries of south and north, has left a wooden 

256 HOR-EM-HEB [DYM. XVKI. 14.] 

cubit, bearing long inscriptions (Lepsius, Elle. 
No. i). 

Ifor'em'heb'pa'hor'ur, priest of Amen, is on a stele at 
Leyden (Lb. D. 619). 

Khonsu'hotep) priest of the nub'kau of the palace. 
Coffins and mummy at Leyden (Lb. D. 616). 

Ncfer'hotep, divine father of Amen. Tomb at Qurneh, 
N.E. of the tomb of Sen'envaah. Dated in 
3rd year of Horemheb ; Aten not yet proscribed, 
the formula " Ra his body is Aten " being used. 
Published in M.A. F. v. 489, also in D.H. 4040 e, 
portions in B.R. 37, and song of the harper in 
A.Z, xi. 58, 73; M.E.E. i. 130, 162; R.P. 
vi. 129. Patterns of the coloured ceiling in 
Pr. A. 

Penbui offers to several kings down to Sety I., includ- 
ing Horemheb ; T. Mus. (Rec. ii. 178). 
y royal scribe, overseer of the palace of Horemheb 
and of the temple of Amen. Tomb, Thebes, 
C.N. 544, 853. Whole scene, W.M.C. iii. 
pL 68; portions, C.M. 177-8; R.C. 128-9; 
Pr. A. 

The queen Nezenrmut we have already noticed. 
There are not many remains of her of any kind. ^The 
sister of Nefertiti is figured in the tomb of Ay (No. 7) 
at Tell el Amarna (L.D. iii. 109), and is probably the 
same as the future queen. A statue of hers with the 
king is at Turin, but not published in drawing. The 
figure of the queen as a female sphinx, on the side of 
this group, is given by Rosellini (R.S. xliv., quin. A). 
One scarab is known (Berl. Mus.), and one ring (P.P. 
Coll.); and a^frog with her name was found at Abydos 
(G. Mus.; M.%. ii. 40 m). 

We may here notice some kings who have been attri- 
buted to the close of this dynasty. 


TETA appears as Teta*mer*en*ptah, adored by Amen' 
uah'su, on a naos at Marseille. The figure of the 
king is placed in a triangle, which is suggestive of a 
pyramid (as men'nefer is written with the same triangle 
on this naos), and of the king being considered to be 
in a pyramid. Rather than suppose a new king at this 
period, we should see in this the worship of a pyramid 
king, Teta of the Vlth dynasty (A.Z. xvi. 69). The 
same king appears to be indicated on a stele from the 
Serapeum (M.S. iii. 6), which has given rise to discus- 
sion. The cartouche is so rudely carved that it was 
read as "Akhenaten" at first, but afterwards as 
" Se'ra'Teta." If this be the correct reading, which 
is not certain, it need only imply that May, who set up 
the stele (in XVIII.-XIX. dyn.), was devoted to Teta 
(of VI. dyn.), and figured the king as making an 
offering from him to the gods. Such figures of kings 
making the hotep'suten for private persons are often 
seen on steles (see M.A. ii. 41, 47, 48, 51, 52). What 
points to this is that Se'ra'Teta is all in one cartouche, 
and this writing of the title along with the name does 
occur on the Vlth dynasty monuments of Teta, but is 
rare otherwise ; hence it seems that the old usage was 
copied from an early sculpture of this king. The 
scarabs that have been attributed to Teta are certainly 
not of this king. 

NEPER* AY was read on an hieratic ostrakon in the 
Louvre, but it is much effaced and not certain in the 
reading (Dev. Cat. MSS. p. 202). Possibly it may be 
some variant of the divine father Ay. 

Other names have been brought forward, but none 
stand on certain ground. Ra'en'tuy or Khutany may 
possibly be a name, or some connective between the 
names of Ramessu I. and Sety I. on either side of 
it (M.A. ii. 17). Ra'user'kheper is a mistake for Ra* 
kheper-kheperu, Ay. Mer-kheper'ptah is an error for 
Merneb'ptah (tale of Setna), and this is perhaps a 
Ptolemaic bungle for Maat'neb*ra'mer*ptah, Amen- 
hotep III, Rahotep is already placed about the XVIth 
dynasty; see vol. i. p. 246. Ra'pe'am is an error for 


Horemheb. Ra*user"maat*ra*neb*maat is probably a 
combination of Ramessu V. and VI. Ses or Sesu 
appears to be a variant name of Ramessu II. Thus 
the various reputed kings which are not in the regular 
lists are not of historical substance, but are only 
linguistic questions. 



FOR the age of the decline, when the great conquests 
of Tahutmes I. were all gradually lost, we possess a 
store of information in the cuneiform correspondence 
found at Tell el Amarna. The tablets were all de- 
posited in "The place of the records of the palace of 
the king," as it is called ; and thence, a few years ago, 
they were dug out by natives, contemptuously neglected 
by the authorities to whom they were shown, and only 
a part of them at last saved, in a much injured condi- 
tion, when their value became recognised. They were 
scattered among various public and private collections, 
and copies and translations have been issued in many 
different forms and places. No attempt has yet been 
made to combine them into a consecutive history ; but, 
after making abstracts of them all, and comparing 
them, tabulating all the proper names (over 250), and 
arranging the sequence of them, it appears that we 
may construct some provisional narrative from them. 

They fall into three main classes: (i) Those of the 
age of full Egyptian power, when troubles were only 
casual, principally the correspondence of the northern 
kings in alliance with Egypt. (2) Those recording the 
loss of northern Syria, the main correspondent being 
Ribaddu. (3) Those referring to Palestine, the back- 
bone of which is the set of Ebed-tob's letters. In the 
present account an abstract is given &f each letter, 
containing all the proper names, relationships, presents, 
and political details. The letters are arranged as 
nearly in order of time as may be ; but where earlier 
letters only throw light on the individual, and not on 
previous events, they are grouped with regard to the 


person. The later translations have generally been 
preferred to the earlier ; but even now some uncer- 
tainty may rest on many of the versions here given. 
The variable spelling of names is here purposely left as 
translated ; in some cases it is due to variation in the 
cuneiform, and where due to translators it may show 
uncertainty in the reading. When we see such variable 
spellings of the well-known name of Amenhotep III. 
Nimutriya, Nipmuaria, Nimmuriya, Mimmuriya in 
cuneiform, it is obvious that less important names of 
obscure persons and places may easily vary, and have 
no very precise authority. 

The sources are indicated thus: R.P. xiii.-xviii., 
" Records of the Past," series ii. vols. i.-vi. S.B.A., 
" Proceedings of the Society of Biblical Archaeology." 
M. A. F. , * * Mission Arche"ologique Fransaise, " B. O. D. , 
Bezold, " Oriental Diplomacy," and "The Tell el 
Amarna Tablets," same numbers. P. A., Petrie, "Tell 
el Amarna." In some cases there are discrepancies 
between these sources and the following abstracts, 
owing to my taking advantage of a revision which 
Professor Sayce has been kind enough to make. 


Abdisullim, gov. of Razor Ebed-tob, gov. of Jerusalem 

Abisharri ) r T Kallimmasin, king of Babylonia 

or Abimelekh } ov - ot lyre Khaip (after Ribaddu), gov. of 

Aitugama, gov. of Qedesh Simyra 

Akizzi, gov. of Qatna Khayapa, commissioner 

Ammunira, gov. of Beyrut Labai, gov. (?) inland of Joppa 

Arzawiya, gov. of Giscala Ribaddu, gov of Simyra and 

Aziru, gov. of Amorites GuBla 

Beya, gov. of Rabbah Tiuyatti, gov. of Lapana 

Bikhura ) n rv t ~.IA\ Yankhamu, gov. of Yarimuta 

or Pakhura \ ov ' of Kumidl Yapakhi, gov. of Gezer 

Btridiyi, gov. of $iegiddo Yidya, gov. of Askelon 

Buaddu, gov. of Urza ( Yerza ?) Zimrida, gov. of Zidon and (?) 

Burnaburyas, king of Babylonia Lachish 

Dushratta, king of Mitani Zitatna - ) f Akfc 

Ebed-asherah, father of Aziru, or Sutatna { gov * ot AKKo 

Abdimilki, Abdirama, Iddin- 

adda, and Salmasalla 



First Section. 

Dushratta on alliances 4-12 
Kallimmasin and Burna- 

buryas . . . 13-18 

Alasiya, commercial . 20-26 

Details of governors . 28-39 

Second Section. 

Troubles with Khatti . 40-41 

Troubles near Akko . 42-49 

Aziru acting for Egypt 50-54 

Ribaddu in peace . 55~58 
Ribaddu in trouble at 

Simyra . . . 59-72 

Abisharri attacked . 75~79 

Aziru protesting fidelity 80-84 

Simyra fallen . . 85 

Tunip in extremity . 86 

Tyre in extremity . 87 
Ribaddu attacked at 

Gubla ... 88, 89 
Aziru's and Abdashirta's 

excuses . . . 90, 94 


Ribaddu in Gubla . 91-93 

Ribaddu appeals . . 95-96 

Ribaddu in extremity . 97-102 

Ribaddu flees to Beyrut 103-105 

Abdashirta's excuses . 106 

Beyrut fallen . . 108 

Ribaddu's last letter . 109 

Third Section. 
Ebed tob and Labai in 

trouble . . . 110-114 
Towns by Tiberias fallen 1 1 6 

Troubles in Judea . 119-123 

Labai against Egypt . 124-126 

AkizzitoAmenhotepIV. 127-128 

Loss of Megiddo . . 129-132 

Raid E. of Tyre . . 133 

Troubles in Judea . 134 

LossofGezer . . 135-137 

Labai's excuses . . 138-139 

Milkili and Suyardata . 140-147 

Ebed-tob's last letter . 148 

Unplaced . . . 149-173 

One of the earliest letters is from a king, who 
appears by his name to be a Hittite. 


Irsappa for a daughter of N. ; and sends a 
shuka of gold, and will send a chariot, etc. 
Prince of Khatti on mountains of Igaid (Igaidai 
of the Mohar) sends a shuka weighing 20 
manahs, 3 kak of ivory, 3 kak of pirkar, 3 kak 
of khussi, 8 kak of kusittiu, Ibo kak of lead 
... 5 kukupu stones . . . 10 thrones of usti 
wood ... 2 usu trees. (S.B.A. xi. 336.) 

The language of this tablet is unknown. It relates 
to one of the many marriages between the royal 


families, which were always accompanied with a con- 
siderable equivalent of valuables. 

Two other glimpses of the friendly relations of the 
Khatti or Hittites during the age of Egyptian supremacy 
also remain in the following letters : 

2.1 ... AU to king of Egypt. When messengers 
went to the Khatti, Z. alone sent presents ; 
and now he sends 8 slaves, and asks for gold 
in return. (S.B.A. xiii. 132.) 


King of KHATTI ? to KHURI (short for Nipkhuriya, 
Amenhotep IV.). Asks for an alliance, as 
between their fathers. Sends a bibru of silver 
5 minas, another 3 minas, 2 gaggaru of silver 
10 minas, and 2 great ... 

(S.B.A. xiii. 549.) 

From this we see that the treaty of Ramessu II. with 
the Khita was only the last of a long series of compacts, 
which began at least as early as Amenhotep III. -^ 

The most important letters showing the family rela- 
tionships are those of Dushratta, king of Mitanni. 


DUSHRATTA to NIPMUARIA. D. greets Gilukhipa 
his sister. Soon after his accession, Pirkhi 
attacked his land and people ; but D. repulsed 
him, and slew D.'s brother Artash*shumara, 
whom P. supported. D. notifies V N. of this, 
as N. was friends with D. J s father, who gave 
him D.'s sister. Artash'shumara raised the 
Khatti, and brought them into D.'s land, but 


D.'s god Raman gave them into his hand. 
D. sends a chariot, 2 horses, a lad, and a girl, 
of the booty of the Khatti. Also 5 cars and 
trappings. Also to D.'s sister Gilukhipa a 
tutinatum of gold, an anzabatum of gold, a 
mash-hu of gold, and ajar of oil. Sends Gilia 
a messenger and Tunip'ipri. Let N. return 
them soon. (S.B.A. xv. 120.) 

Here there is the usual oriental tale of a rivalry 
between two brothers for the throne ; one supported by 
a foreign prince, as an excuse for invasion. 


DUSHRATTA to NIMMURIYA. N. sent Mani to 
ask for daughter of D. to be mistress of 
Egypt. Giliya, D.'s messenger, reported 
words of N. which rejoiced D. And D. asks 
much gold, as N. sent to his father Sutarna a 
dish, cup, and brick of solid gold. D. sends 
Giliya, and a present of a gold goblet set with 
crystals ; a necklace of 20 crystal beads and 
19 of gold, in middle a crystal cased in gold ; 
a necklace of 42 khulalu stones, and 40 gold 
beads ; and an amulet of khulalu stone in 
gold, 10 pairs of horses, 10 chariots of wood, 
and 30 eunuchs. (R.P. xv. 84.) 

Here Dushratta is sending grand presents, besides 
being willing to give up a daughter to Egypt. This 
points to his being a tributary, and not entirely inde- 
pendent. Amenhotep III. sends an envoy to negotiate 
for a princess to be the "mistress of Egypt," and this 
was not for himself, but for his son, as the later letters 
show. To Dushratta's letter above, Amenhotep replied 
by accepting the present, and sending again to fetch 
the princess. His request is acknowledged in the next 
letter, while the princess was preparing for the journey. 



DUSHRATTA to MIMMURIYA. Mani, A.'s mes- 
senger, has come to fetch a wife from D. to be 
the mistress of Egypt. Land of Khani-rabbat, 
and land of Egypt . . . [Giliya, D.'s mes- 
senger, will be sent in 6th month with Mani, 
A/s messenger. Dowry will be sent. Much 
gold asked for. (S.B.A. xiii. 552.) Or [After 
6 months Giliya and Mani were now sent with 
the queen. Nakharamassi sent by D. with 
letter. D. asks for much gold; has sent a 
spear of wood, an isizzu of Aleppo stone, and 
a khulal stone set in gold. (R.P. xv. 74.) 

In the next letter Dushratta calls himself father-in- 
law to Amenhotep III., referring to some previous 
marriage, and not to the one just negotiated, as the 
last was of Amenhotep IV., as shown by letters IX. 
X. and XI. The position of the letter is indicated by 
Nakhramassi being sent. 


DUSHRATTA to NIMMURIYA. D. is father-in-law 
to N. May Istar bless N. Mani the mes- 
senger and Khani, dragoman of N., have 
brought presents. Nakhramassi is now sent 
by D. with a necklace of crystal and alabaster 
and some gold. (R.P. xv. 73.) 

VIII. . 

DUSHRATTA to NIMMURIYA. D. greets Tadu- 
khipa his daughter, and Nimmuriya his son- 
in-law. * Sends statue of Istar of Nina, to be 
honoured by N. and returned. 

(S.B.A. xv. 124.) 

On the back of this is an hieratic docket, apparently 
in the $6th year of Amenhotep III., month of Phar- 


muthi. This is the very last date in the reign, and 
would be two or three weeks later than the papyrus of 
Kahun dated under Amenhotep IV. (see p. 208). It is 
possible that the docket is misread, or that the dating 
was put in terms of Ninrmuriya's reign after his death, 
as the letter was addressed to him. 

(S.B.A. xv. 124; B.O.D. 10.) 

After Ninvmuriya's death, Dushratta hesitated to 
address the son, who was so young, and wrote to Teie, 
whom he already knew. 


DUSHRATTA to TEIE. D. greets Teie and Nap- 
khurariya her son, Tadukhipa D.'s daughter, 
T. 's daughter-in-law. Appeals to old friend- 
ship of D. with Mimmuriya ; T. alone knows 
their negotiations. T. had sent Giliya the 
messenger to propose to maintain relations as 
before. D. asks that Napkhurariya will send 
the gargar of gold. Names Yuni D.'s wife. 

(S.B.A. xv. 127.) 

Giliya, the messenger of Dushratta, had probably 
brought the previous letter VIII., arriving just at the 
death of Amenhotep III. He was sent back with the 
news by Tyi, as here stated ; and the above is Dush- 
ratta's reply. We see here plainly that Tadukhipa is 
Tyi's daughter-in-law, and was therefore married to 
the IVth and not to the Illrd Amenhotep. Nap' 
khura'riya is Neferkhepenrra, Amenhotep IV. 


Teie thy mother, Tadukhipa my daughter thy 
wife. Pirizzi and Bubri D.'s messengers sent. 
Mane N.'s messenger and Umeatu D.'s 
messenger sent before. D. asks for return 


of his messenger. D. has projects with N.'s 
father, which Teie, N.'s mother, alone knows. 
(M.A.F. vi. 304 ; R.P. xv. 89.) 

The importance of Tyi here in diplomacy is explained 
by her relationship to Dushratta which appears in the 
next letter. It has been said that these terms of 
brother and sister only refer to an official brotherhood 
of fellow kings, and not to natural relationship. But 
this is directly contradicted by the precision with which 
son-in-law, father, and father-in-law is named, and 
daughter-in-law, mother, and mother-in-law. 


in-law. D. salutes Teie "my sister and thy 
mother," and Tadukhipa " my daughter and 
thy wife." D. has done all that Nimmuriya 
desired, as "Teie thy mother knows." Let 
N. enquire of Teie. The father of Nimmuriya 
(Tahutmes IV.) sent a messenger to Artatama, 
father of D.'s father, asking for a daughter ; 
only granted on 7th application. Nimmuriya 
sent Khamasi (Kha'envuas) to Sut(arna) 
asking for a daughter from D.'s fatfier, 
namely, D.'s sister, granted the 7th time. 
(S.B.A. xiii. 559.) Giliya brought back gold, 
etc., to Nimmuriya, and Nimmuriya sent his 
envoy Nisag with slaves and gold. Nim- 
muriya lately died and Dushratta is much 
grieved. The envoy Artatama is sent by D. 

(R.P. xv. 79.) 

This is the^nost important letter of the series, for 
the relationships which it states. It shows that 
Tahutmes IV. married a Mitannian princess, likewise 
Amenhotep III., and lastly, Amenhotep IV.; anc( it 
shows that Tadukhipa was the queen, "mistress of 
Egypt" (letter VI.), Neferfiti, wife of Akhenaten. 


- XII. 

envoy has come. N. desired that as D. had 
been friends with his father Mimmuriya, so he 
should be with N. Asks for a wife from N., 
and promises to send ten times as much 
presents. D. had asked for two gargar of 
gold, one for himself and one for Tadukhipa 
his daughter. M. promised him also rock 
crystal, more also, patala and gargar. But N, 
did not send them, but other things. Kha- 
massi is the messenger of N. 

(S.B.A. xiii. 556.) 

Here Khani is the dragoman named before in letter 
VII.; and he played an important part as resident in 
Syria during the period of decline. Khamasi or 
Kha'envuas was envoy in the previous reign, as the 
last letter shows. Dushratta here seeks to strengthen 
further the ties between the kingdoms, by having a 
sister of Amenhotep IV. This is the last letter from 
him that remains, and soon after the intercourse was 
broken by the insurrection of the intervening peoples of 

The next most important alliance of Egypt was with 
the kings of Karduniyas, or Babylonia, with whom 
they intermarried. 



duniyas. N. (Amenhotep III.) had asked for 
a princess from K. ; but K. complains that his 
sister, who was given to N. by K.'s father, has 
not been seen again. N. replies, send a high 
official who knew her to verify her state. The 
present messenger Zakara is only a shepherd, 
and none of the others knew her. 

K. complained that his messengers did not 
know his sister to be such, and N. believes 


Kaabb^ f Gagaya or Khani- 
she may impose as his/ ' ""* 1S P roduced 
[N. promises by Anv< S ' st f n th m f? en g e ''- 
on the me SS engerv- fen tha * he WlU not ' m P se 

If K. doubts "1*7 anoth * r w ma ? ? ] . 
see his dau r v' m this way, does he demand to 
great kinr-^ rs are marne< * * otner 

b t th +^> s ^ And why was K.'s sister sent 
p1 ^ presents should be returned, as was 

-*- 1 N. is cold to K.'s messengers because they 
bring- nothing ; they received much silver, 
gold, oils, purple, and all things, and only 
brought this bad message, and spoke evil in 
private. K. has said that his chariots pre- 
sented were mixed up with those of the 
governors, etc. ; but N. has them duly. Scribe 
Kistu'nizaz*anni. (S.B.A. xv. 26.) 

From this we see Amenhotep III. had married a 
Karduniyan (Babylonian) princess ; but that her brother 
Kallimmasin was not satisfied about her safety. Amen- 
hotep appears, however, to have reassured him, so 
that he was induced to send another princess his own 
daughter to Egypt. 


KALLIMMASIN to the king of Egypt. K.'s daughter 
Sukharti ("the younger") will be sent as 
asked for. K.'s father sent a messenger who 
was returned ; but K.'s messenger was de- 
tained five years, and then only 30 manahs of 
gold were sent by him. (S.B.A. xiii. 130.) 

The following* letter, from the tone of it, appears to 
be also from Kallimmasin ; but the names a're all lost. 


xtoy. # refers to a former request and refusal of a 
daughter of Egn. king for a foreign prince. 


A foreign princess having been promised to 
the Egyptian king before ; but the Egyptian 
ambassador did not bring enough gold. More 
gold asked for in months Duzu or Abu ; 
if even 3000 talents are sent to x y it will not be 
accepted, nor will x sendjv his daughter. 

(S.B.A. xiii. 128.) 

Next we find that Kallimmasin had died ; and after 
three other reigns (as we learn from the Babylonian 
records) he was succeeded by Burnaburiyas, who begins 
by appealing to the past friendship between the royal 
families, and opening negotiations to get an Egyptian 
princess betrothed to his son. 


of Karduniyas and of Egypt have been friends 
since king Kara'indash. Messengers have 
come thrice without valuables, and B. has 
nothing to send. Ten minas of gold sent 
were not full weight. B. has some girls, N. 
may ask who he likes, and B. will send her ; 

also an ? of ancient work. When Sindisu- 

gab, B.'s messenger, leaves, N. is to send 
chariots at once, for B. to make 9 others on 
the pattern. B. sends 2 minas of uknu stone 
(crystal or lazuli) ; and for N.'s daughter, 
wife of B.'s son, (he?) sends a collar (?) of 
stone, . . . 10 of uknu stone weighing 1048 
(end lost). (S.B.A. xv. 117.) 

The marriage of Napkhurariya's daughter here stated 
cannot have been effected at the time, as, this letter was 
written certainly long before the daughters were grown, 
and Burnaburyas sends a present to Egypt for her. 
This must then refer to a betrothal, and not to an 
actual marriage. Of the three elder daughters one 
died, and two married successive kings of Egypt, so 


that the daughter here named must have 'been the 
fourth or later, and born, therefore, as late as the loth 
year of Akhenaten's reign. The sample chariot was 
evidently sent, as the next letter shows the others to 
have been made from it. 


N. Vfathers were allied. B. received two minas 
of gold, but expects more. B.'s father was 
Kurigalzu ; in his time the Kunakhiu (Canaan- 
ites) sent to him to revolt and invade Kanni- 
shat (?), and he refused. B. sends three 
minas of rock crystal (or lazuli), 10 sets of 
harness (or 5 pairs of horses), and 5 chariots. 
(S.B.A. xiii. 540 ; see R.P. xv. 63.) 

Next we see that the marriage was actually carried 
out, by letter 


the gold and ivory thrones, etc., sent by Shuti, 
which formed a part, or the whole, of tKe 
dowry of the Egyptian princess who was to 
marry his son. (B.O.D. 4.) 

A portion of a similar list perhaps on the same 
occasion also remains. 


No names. ^Fragment of inventory of carvings, 
thrones, sceptres, etc. (S.B.A. x. 519.) 

This marriage, even if a child-marriage, must have 
been far on in the reign, as the fourth daughter was 
not born till the xoth year; and so this ceremony 


might be in the i4th or i5th at the earliest. As Syria 
appears to be clear then for messengers, the decline 
and loss of the empire must have come very quickly in 
just the last year or two of the 18 years' reign of Akhen- 
aten. This agrees with a successful campaign in Syria 
being represented on one of the tombs carved under 

Another kingdom with which there were commercial 
relations was that of Alashiya, or Alosa in Egyptian, 
as endorsed on the tablets in hieratic. This was prob- 
ably the northern end of the Syrian coast. No personal 
name of the king is stated. 


King of Alasiya to king of Egypt. Sends a tank of 
bronze, three talents of hard bronze, one tusk 
of ivory, one chair, and a ship. 

(S.B.A. xi. 340.) 


King of Alashiya to king of Egypt. Despatch of 100 
talents of bronze, a couch, a chariot, horses, 
etc., appears to have been lost on the road ; on 
account of this the king of Alashiya fears 
the displeasure of Amenhotep. Although the 
king of Alashiya has sent gifts regularly to the 
king of Egypt, from the time of his ascending 
the throne, Amenhotep has sent him nothing. 

(B.O.D. 6.) 


King of Alasiya to king of Egypt. Sent his messenger 
with the Egyptian. Sent five talents bronze, 
much in A M and wrought there. Asks for 
gold, and oxen, and oils, 2 jars of kukubu, 
and 60 men. Will send wood. Man of A, 


has died in Egypt and left goods ; widow and 
son claim them, asks that A.'s messenger may 
bring them. Asks for gold, and will send 
double of what is sent to A. by kings of Khatti 
and Sankhar. (S.B.A. xiii. 544.) 

The next appears to relate to a specified tribute, as 
the amounts are much the sajne as in letter XXL; 
while the rest of the business differs from that. 


King of Alashiya to king of Egypt. Sends 100 talents 
of bronze, and asks for a couch of ushu wood 
inlaid with gold, a chariot inlaid with gold, 
two horses, etc. Names a quarrel between A. 
and E. merchants. Desires equal treatment 
and reception of A. and E. envoys. Asks for 
oils, and has sent a khabanat of excellent oil 
to E. (S.B.A. xv. 133.) 

The commercial relations of Egypt and Alashiya 
seem to have been important The remaining letters 
are but short. 


King of Alasiya to king of Egypt. Asks for mes- 
sengers back quickly, as the traders go. 
Mentions ships of Alasiya. (S.B.A. xiii. 547.) 

, XXV. 

King of Alasiya to king of Egypt. Introduction of a 
messenger bearing a costly gift. Docket in 
hieratic " Letter from Alosha." 

(S.B.A. xi. 334.) 


The next letter seems to show the troubles beginning. 


King of Alasiya to king of Egypt. Protests that the 
king of Egypt is mistaken about people of 
Lukki who come into Alasiya. The Alasiyans 
are not allied to the Lukkians. If proved to 
be so they shall be punished. 

(S.B.A. xv. 130.) 

These Lukki, whom the Alasiyans repudiate, are 
doubtless the Luka or Lykian pirates and sea-rovers, 
who were the mainstay of the Mediterranean con- 
federacies in the following dynasties. They here 
appear for the first time in connection with another 
maritime people, the Alasiyans. 

Another alliance, that with the king of Assyria, also 


King- ceived the ambassadors, and sent a chariot 
of with two white horses, another chariot, and a 
Assyria sea j Q f w hit e crystal. Asks for gold, and 
arrears due. A.'s father, Assur*nadin*akhi, 
received 20 talents of gold from Eg. King of 
Khani Tabbatu (E. Kappadokia) received 20 
talents. Asks for as much. The Suti (Satiu) 
had waylaid Eg. ambassadors. 

(R.P. xv. 61.) 

The system of setting up nominees of Egypt in the 
conquered provinces has left its mark in the following 


ADDUNIRAR to king of Egypt. Manakhbiya 
of Nu- (Tahutmes IV.), king of Masri (Egypt), raised 
khasse A. *s father to rule in Nukhasse. 

(S.B.A. xv. so.) 
II 18 


A fragment of a letter (XXIX.) belongs to Sutarna 
of Musikhuni. As the place has not been identified 
safely, it is possible that this is from Sutarna, the 
father of Dushratta. See XL (P. A. 36, No. 100 bis.) 

A view of the duties of the Egyptian governors is 
given by several short letters. 


xtoy. A governor writes to adjacent governors say- 
ing that he is going to send Akiya to make 
his submission to Egypt. He asks if any gifts 
shall be sent with Akiya. (B.O.D. 58.) 

This shows how they united in sending a joint 


YIDYA to king of Egypt. Y. sends food, drink, 
of As- oxen, etc. as a tribute (B.O.D. 52.) 



YIDYA to king of Egypt. Y. supplied the troops 
with all necessaries. (B.O.D. 54.) 


YIDYA to king of Egypt. Y. guards Askelon, and 
sends women. (B.O.D. 53.) 

It seems that not only did the Egyptians take thou- 
sands of female slaves captive into Egypt, but a regular 
tribute of girls was rendered from various places. Not 
only in the above, but also in the two following letters 
is this shown. 



SHATIYI to king of Egypt. S. guards the spring of 
Zi . . . S. has sent his daughter to the 
king's household. (B.O.D. 77.) 


SUMANDI to king of Egypt. S. asks for Khanya 
(the dragoman, lett. VII) to-be sent; and he 
sends 300 oxen, and the girls, and votive offer- 
ings. (S.B.A. xi. 331.) 

The same governor writes briefly in three other 


SHUMANDI to king of Egypt. S. is disabled by 
illness. (B.O.D. 40.) 

In XXXVII. and XXXVIII. he acknowledges the 
receipt of a despatch, and states that he 
guards the city. (B.O.D. 38, 39.) 

Of another skekh or governor far in the East we get 
a glimpse. 


ARTAMA-SAMAS of Zirrbasani (the plain of Bashan) 
to the king of Egypt. A. reports his adhesion, 
with soldiers. (R.P. xvii. 99.) 

After this peaceful correspondence of the age of 
supremacy, we begin the age of troubles ; gradually 
the northern people began fighting with one another ; 
and, not being coerced by the Egyptians, the feuds 
spread southward through all Syria and Palestine. 


Each governor and chief attacked his weaker neigh- 
bours, and both parties sent letters to Egypt, each 
claiming to be acting in the Egyptian interest in fight- 
ing the other. 

The warlike Khatti, or Hittites, who were never 
conquered, but only repressed, in their Cappadocian 
mountains, began to spread into more fertile regions. 
In letters I. II. III. we have seen them on treaty terms 
with Egypt ; but now they were fighting for their own 


HADADPUYA and BILTMLU to king of Egypt. 
The Khatta have taken Lupakku and the cities 
of Am from Bin'addu (Benhadad). Zitanaand 
soldiers have gone to Nukhasse. Greeting 
from Amurhadad to Bin'ili, Ebed'ip, Bin* Ana, 
Bhvziddi, and Anati (hostages in Egypt?). 

(R.P. xvii. 99.) 

The preparation for this attack is noted elsewhere, in 


Eda(-gama) to king of Egypt. Edafgama] (see "94, 
130, 135) states that the governor of Kinza is 
leagued with the Khatti, and attacked the cities 
of Am. E. defends his city, and will defend it. 

(B.O.D. 46.) 

When the Egyptians began to withdraw, immediate 
disorder arose, ,as shown in 


x to king of Egypt. The Egyptian troops being gone, 
the country rebels. (B.CXD. 80.) 



YAMA to king of Egypt. Y. defended his cities after 
the governors fled. (S.B.A. xi. 392.) 

The echoes of these difficulties affected even the 
south, and down at Akku (Acre) difficulties appear, 
although the land is all nominally Egyptian. 

ZITADNA of Akku protests his fidelity. (B.O.D. 32.) 


NAMYA-ITSA to king of Egypt. Reports his adhe- 
sion, with his Bedawin and Sute (Satiu). 

(R.P. xvii. 96.) 


ZATATNA (Zitadna, XLIV.) of Akku to king of Egypt. 
Zirdanryasda revolted. Namya'itsa remains 
with Suta the Commissioner in Akku. Egn. 
soldiers are in Megiddo with a female refugee. 
Suta sent to Zatatna that she has given 
Zirdanvyasda to Namya'itsa, who does not 
accept him. (R.P. xvii. 95.) 

What Zatatna's course was is seen by the complaints 
of Burnaburyas, which show that the land was still 
professedly open to intercourse from Babylonia to Egypt. 


BURNABURYAS king of Karduniyas to NAPKHUH- 
RURIYA. B.'s messengers with Akhi'dhabu 
(Ahitub) went into land of Kinakhkhi (Canaan- 
ites), and on to Egypt. In Khinnatuni of the 


land of Kinakhkhi, Simradda (ShenrHadad) 
son of Balumme (Balaam) and Sutatna (or 
Zitadna, 46) son of Saratum (or Zurata, 132) 
of Akku, slew them and robbed the presents. 
B. complains because the Kinakhkhi belong 1 
to Egypt, and asks redress ; or else B.'s 
people will slay Egyptian ambassadors, and 
their agreement be broken; i maneh of crystal 
sent. (R.P. xv. 65.) 

Of Sumaddu, who acts as freebooter, we learn that 
he was governor of Samkhtma (Semekhonitis, Gr. = 
Merom, 33 m. E. of Akku), whence (XLVIII.) he sent 
a report of peace to the king. (S.B.A. xii. 328.) But 
later he excuses his deficiencies by the disturbed state 
of the land. 


SHUMADDU to the king of Egypt. S. is unable to 
send corn, because the threshers have driven 
away the overseers. (B.O.D. 66.) 

The principal leaders of revolt in Syria were the 
family of Abdishirta, and particularly one of them, who 
was a native governor appointed by the Egyptians, 
named Aziru. The latter appears to have been the 
most capable and energetic of the rulers, and to have 
been faithful to Egypt, until it was clear that the Egyp- 
tians were hopelessly weak, when he determined to do 
the best he could for his own hand. His earlier letters 
are purely in the Egyptian interest. 


AZIRU to DUDU (viceroy). A. has done all that the 
king desired. A. rules in the land of the 
Amurri (Amorites). (S.B.A. xiii. 217.) 



AZIRU to the king of Egypt. Two men were sent 
by the messengers to receive the orders for 
the land of Amurru. (S.B.A. xv. 21.) 


AZIRU to DUDU. Khatib has made report to the 
king, and is now with D. King of Khatti has 
invaded Nukhasse. 


AZIRU to the king of Egypt. A. has carried out all 
his orders . . . the kings of Nukhasse . . . 
city of Tsumuri (Simyra). (S.B.A. xi. 410.) 

In the next we see Aziru trying to use Dudu as a 
catspaw to get a subsidy from Egypt. 


AZIRU to DUDU. The kings of Nukhasse said to A. 
that his father got all the gold he wanted from 
the king of Egypt. (S.B.A. xiii. 216.) 

We next turn to a most faithful servant of the Egyp- 
tians, Ribaddu, governor of Simyra and afterwards of 
Gabula, who has left the longest correspondence of all ; 
nearly forty letters of his extend from the age of tran- 
quillity to the almost entire loss of Syria. 


RIBADDU to the king. Names the official Amanma 
or Amanappa). R. marches with 60 chariots 
... Let Yappa'addu be blamed ... Two 
ships are sent. (S.B.A. xi. 361.) 


Ebed-ashera (or Arad-ashirta) soon appears as the 
enemy of the Egyptian power. His sons including 
Aziru seem to have been the main rebels, though pro- 
fessing to act in the Egyptian interest. 


RIBADDU to the king. Sons of Ebed-ashera have 
taken two horses and chariots, and Yivana (the 
Ionian) is gone to Tyre. R. sent two messengers 
to Zemar. Asks for ten men of Melukhkha 
and ten of Egypt for defence. 

(R.P. xviii. 50.) 

The following may be about this same period. 


RIBADDU of Gabla to king. King's guard have 
stolen goods of R. as well as of the king. 
Pakhura (Syrian) has sent the Sute and smitten 
the Serdani (Egyptian). R. rebuts charges. 

(R.P. xviii. 66.) 


RIBADDU to AMANAPPA (Amenemapt). R. asks^A. 
to deliver him from Arduashirta's soldiers. 
He was ordered to send ships to Yarimuta. 
Soldiers patrol the land of Amurri. R. desires 
that troops be not sent to Akzabu (Achzib). 

(M.A.F. vi. 307; R.P. xviii. 62.) 


RIBADDU to the king. Hostile is Ebedasherah of 
Barrabarti ; he has captured cities, and stirred 
up Gubla and Tyre, saying, " I am your lord." 
And Bedawin have done like the city of Ammi 
. . . the Serdanu. Zemar is still strong 
for R. (R.P. xviii. 89.) 



RIBADDU to king. R. sent nephews to Tyre for 
safety. Palace of Tyre is great like that in 
Ugarita. (R.P. xviii. 63.) 


RIBADDU to the king. Names the city of Tisa . . . 
in land of Tsumuri, and the land of Martu 
(Amurri). (P.A. 35, No. 3.) 

The following letter, addressed to the chief of Amurri, 
was probably sent to Aziru, as he ruled and received 
orders in the land of Amurra ; but no addressee is 
named. Khanni was formerly dragoman (VII.), but 
here appears to be administrator. 


KHANNI to chief of Amurra. The chief of Gubla 
has complained of an attack by the chief of 
Amurra, and asked to be protected by Khanni. 
Chief of Amurra is summoned to a court- 
martial at Zidon. A woman Mada has gone 
to chief of Qidsa, driven out by the Amurri to 
a hostile place. Threats of burning him out. 
Amurri is in land of Kinakhi. Next year K.'s 
son must go to Egypt with a settlement of 
affairs. Asks A. to send in his son to Egypt 
as a hostage, and allows this year for him to 
do so. Next year will be too late. Khanni is 
sent in place of the king, with a black list of 
enemies. A. is asked to help tc^ bring in Sarru 
and all his sons, Tuya, Liya and all his sons, 
Pisiari and his sons, the son-in-law of Mania 
and his sons and wives . . . Da wife of (or 
Dasarti) Paluma, and Nlmmakhi hapadu of 
Amurri, (S.B.A. xiii. 224.) 


A later translation, while agreeing in the names, 
renders this as a reproach to the chief of Gubla for 
expelling his brother, who lives in Zituna, etc. But 
this is not so concordant with the address to the chief 
of Amurri. 

In the next we have an appeal from another city. 

IRQ AT A city, to the king of Egypt. The nobles of 
Irqata send 30 horses, etc. Men of a town in 
Shanku, who were before friendly, now, are 
foes. Irqata refuses their offers, and appeals 
to Egypt. (B.O.D. 42.) 

The appeal was In vain, as the next letter shows. 


RIBADDU to king of Egypt. R. is distressed by the 
sons of Ebed'asirta who descend into Amurni. 
All the land of Tsumura and city of Irqata 
(Tell 'Arqa) rebel in Tsumura. Governor has 
left Gubla. Neither Zimrida nor Yapa'addu 
are with R. Governor sent to them, and they 
paid 30 manehs. King has sent reinforce- 
ments to Tsumura and Irqata, garrison"" of 
Tsumura has fled. (R.P. xv, 70.) 


RIBADDU to king of Egypt. Names Tsumuri and 
Arad-asirti. . (P.A. 35, No. 2.) 

The next letter has lost the sender's name, but is 
doubtless from 'the faithful Ribaddu. 


x to king of Egypt. Owing to Abd'ashirta, Khaya 
(or Khaip, governor of Zumura) was unable 


to send ships to land of Amurri. Ships from 
Arvad, in charge of x> lack men, and x urges 
that Egyptian ships and men be sent ; also 
that an officer be set over ships of Sidon, 
Beyrut, and Arvad, to seize Abd'ashirta. 

This appeal to secure tne fleet for Egypt failed, as 
we read in the next letter that the ships were lost. 


RIBADDU to the king. May the goddess of Gubla 
give power to the king. Aziru is his adver- 
sary, has taken 12 of R.'s men, and asks 50 
of silver ransom ; A. has taken in Tambuliya 
men whom R. had sent to Zumur. Ships of 
Zumur, Biruta, and Ziduna all are gone over 
to land of Amuri (i.e. to Aziru, see L.). 
Yapa'addu as well as Aziru attacks R. , and 
have taken his ships. R.'s family will go 
over to enemy if not succoured. R. holds 
Zumur, but is surrounded by enemies for two 
months past. Ask Amanma if R. has not 
been faithful in Alasiya . . . Yarimuta . . . 
Yappa*addu. > (S.B.A. xv. 359.) 

In the next three letters we see that Ebed-asherah 
had obtained allies, and was pushing his way still 
further against Ribaddu. 


RIBADDU to king. Salma-salla son ofc Ebed-asherah 
holds Ullazu, Ardata, Yibiliya, Ambi, and 
Sigata. Kings of Kasse and Mitani have 
taken land of the king. If help is not sent 
Zemar will fall also, and R. cannot go to 
Zemar. (R.P. xviii. 58.) 



RIBADDU to the king. Zemar still faithful. Yappa- 
addu does not help. Kasites joined Ebed- 
asherah and Mitani and the Khatti take 
the land. King has sent troops with Yan- 
khamu, and men of Yarimuta,and commissioner 
of Kumidi . . . (R.P. xviii. 59.) 

The name of the sender is lost ; but the following 
letter is clearly from Ribaddu, and of this period. 


x to king of Egypt, x held Tsumura. City of Zarak 
reports that the four sons of Abd'asirti are 
captured. Yapa'addu and Aziru oppose x. 
Sons of Abd'asirti went against Tarkumiya, 
and took the land of the king of Egypt, the 
king of Mitana'nanu, the king of Tarkusi, and 
the king of Khata (Hittites). Yankhamu the 
servant of the king of (in ?) Yarimuta, and the 
Resident Melekh'mi . . . (S.B.A. xi. 356.) 

The report of the capture of the Abd'ashirtitesjvas 
false, as we find them more active in future. *"" 

We next see that even Zemar was in great danger. 

. LXXI. 

RIBADDU to the king. R. in difficulty for Zemar ; 
sends two messengers to king, one of Yari- 
muta T v Asks for help to take Aziru, as sons of 
Ebed-ashera have smitten cities, Zemar, 
Ullaza, Sawa. . . . Offers to send to Yan- 
khame and Biri. R. has occupied Amurri in 
peace, with Yapa'addu and Khatib, Asks for 
men of Malukh'kha. (&? xviii. 52.) 


And next we see that Zemar was lost. 

RIBADDU to the king. Ebed-asherah strong against 
R., and sends to Mitana (Aram Naharaim) 
and Kasse (Babylonia). E. has collected 
Bedawin against Sigata and Ambi. Zemar is 
already lost. (R.P. xviii. 56.) 

We turn now to other writers, resuming the later 
troubles of Ribaddu at No. Ixxxviii. 


SU(?)YARZANA to king of Egypt. S. is attacked by 

of the city of Tusulti. The Bedawin have taken 

KHAZI, Makhzi . . . ti and burnt it, and have gone 

against Aman'khatbi (Amenhotep), and have 

taken Gilu, and only Bal'garib survives. 

They attack Magdali, and Usteru . . ., and 

Khazi. S. captured 50 Bedawin, and took 

them to Aman'khatbi . . . 

(R.P. xvii. 85.) 

Tusulti has been equalled with Tasuret of Thothmes, 
probably Teiasir n N.E. of Shechem, but the rest of 
these places seem to be lower down in the Esdraelon 
region, for Khazi is the Khazay of Thothmes, Tell el 
Kussis, 8 N. W, of Megiddo. The ruler of Migdol was 
soon in extremities, and wrote as follows : 


x to king of Egypt, x has no authority in Magdalim, 
and the soldiers of Kukbi have conspired, x 
contradicts Abbikha, who says that his cities 
have been captured by the enemy. 

(B.O.D. 73-) 


Abi'sharri, otherwise rendered as Abi'milki, the 
governor of Tsurri (Tyre), is another important person, 
whose troubles were like those of Ribaddu. 


ABISHARRI to king of Egypt. A. asks for Uzu to 
strengthen him ; for Ilgi ruler of Sidon has 
defeated him. The ruler of Khazur (Hazor} 
has come out. (S.B.A. xiii. 323.) 

The ruler of Khazur appealed to Egypt. 


ABDI-SULLIM to the king of Egypt. A. will hold 

of his city until the king comes. 
Khazur. (B.O.D. 47.) 

Ilgi named above must have soon died or been slain, 
as a new ruler appears in this next letter. 


ZIMRIDDI to king of Egypt. Z. is governor of 

of Ziduna, which is safe for the king ; Z. asks 

Sidon. succour. (S.B.A. xiii. 318.) 

This profession of obedience seems to have been only 
a blind, to draw some supplies ; for we read in 


ABISHARRI to king of Egypt. The king thunders in 
heaven like the god Addu. The king sent a 
message and all the land feared. A. is 
raised to the rank of the great officers. Zim- 
nda governor of Ziduna sends messages to 
the rebel Aziru, son of Arad'ashratu, for all the 
Egyptian news. Is that right ? 

(S.B.A. xv. 518.) 

Zinirida soon takes a more active course. 



ABISHARRI to king of Egypt. A. cannot leave his 
town to come to Egypt, because he cannot get 
out of the hands of Zimrida of Ziduna, who 
knows that he wants to leave, and wars 
against him. Asks for 10 men to guard the 
town in his absence, and sends a messenger. 
Asks for wood and water, because placed on 
the sea they have neither. The messenger, 
Ilu-milku, bears 5 talents of copper, subu 
and a ginazu. Replying to the king's en- 
* quiries about Kinaahna, the king of Danuna 
(Danian, 135 of Tyre) is dead, his brother 
succeeds, and the land is quiet. The house (?) 
of the king of Ugarit is half burnt. Of the 
Khatti nothing. Itamagapapiri of Qidshu, 
and Aziru, war with Namyapiza. Zimrida 
collected ships and men of Aziru and came 
against Abisharri. (S.B.A. xv. 507.) 

This phrase of asking for ten men (or officers) is like the 
modern idiom in Egypt of asking for two piastres, as a 
modest way of applying for an indefinite amount. The 
difficulty in Tyre for wood and water has always been 
common in war. 

Aziru, however, gives another version of his relations 
with Egypt, and asks for supplies from the king, pre- 
paratory to his final rebellion. 


AZIRU to king of Egypt. A. is always faithful to 
Egypt. The people of Sumuri disturb him. 
If the king of the Khatti comes against him, 
he needs men, chariots, etc., to repel him. 

(S.B.A. xiii. 219.) 



AZIRU to DUDU (viceroy). Khatib (Hotep) will go 
to the king ; if Aziru also leaves, the king 
of Khatti will come into Nukhassi, and his 
revolt will be laid to us. (S.B.A. xiii. 229.) 


AZIRU to x. The king- of the Khatti is in Nukhassi 
and Tunip (Tennib) and Martu. 

(S.E.A. xiii. 233.) 


AZIRU to king of Egypt. A. and Khatib are now 
leaving ; but the king of the Khatti is in 
Nukhassi and in Tunip. (S.B.A. xiii. 232.) 


AZIRU to KHAI (viceroy). A. and Khatib will soon 
leave. The king of the Khatti is in Nukhassi, 
. and went into the land of Martu ( = Arfturri), 
and ravaged the city of Dunip (Tennib). 

(S.B.A. xiii. 231.) 

A very different version of these affairs is given by 

the other side. 


ABI'SHARRI to king of Egypt. The king is like the 
sun-god, like the god Addu in heaven. The 
king set A. in Tyre, and A. asks for 20 
soldiers. . . . Aziru . '. . Arad'ashratu . 
revolted Khabi. If a messenger had been 
sent there Zumur would not have been given 


to Aziru. Zimrida has taken Uzu (Hosah) 
from A., and A. has no wood or water, or 
burial-ground. Zimrida of Ziduna and Aziru, 
and men of Arvada, have sworn together, and 
assemble ships, chariots, and soldiers, to take 
Tyre. They took Zumur on the word of 
Zimrida, who brought a false message (see 
LXXVIII.) to Aziru. No wood nor water. 

(S.B.A. xv. 511.) 

This mentions the fall of Zumura, which Ribaddu 
reported in LXXII. And Zimrida, who was beleaguer- 
ing Tyre in LXXIX., here is joined with Aziru and the 

Tunip also besought the king against Azirtu 


TUNIP people, to king of Egypt. Manakhbiria (Men- 
kheper'ra, Tahutmes III.) received their 
allegiance. His statues are in the town. 
They have sent messages twenty times. By 
the god Addu they demand a reply. Aziru 
has maligned them as enemies to Egypt and 
to the Khatti. Aziru will treat them like the 
people of Ni, who have broken allegiance to 
Egypt. Aziru took Zumur. The writers 
desire a reply. (S.B.A. xv. 18.) 

This is the last appeal of Tunip ; and below is the 
last appeal of Tyre. 


ABISHARRI to king of Egypt. The king gave orders 

to supply wood and water, but nothing is done. 

A. is the servant of Salmayati, and Tyre is 

the eity of Saimayati. (S.B.A. xv. 515.) 




RIBADDA to king of Egypt. Reports conspiracy of 
Aziru, fall of Zumura, and death of governor 
Khaib. Therefore Bikhura will not be able to 
hold Kumidi. (B.O.D. 18.) 

Here we learn the name of the unlucky governor of 
Zumura, whom we have met before in letter LXVL 
Bikhura saved himself by joining the victors, as 
Ribaddu laments in the next. 


RIBADDA to king of Egypt. R. attacked by Bikhura, 
governor of Kumidi, who incited the Sute 
(Bedawin), with Abdirama, Iddin-adda, and 
Abdi-milki (or Abdisharri), sons of Abd- 
ashirta, to attack him. (B.O.D. 20.) 

Next Aziru sends a polite series of excuses for his 


AZIRU to king of Egypt. When envoy Khani came, 
A. was at Tunip, and knew it not. FollowedJiim 
in vain. A.'s brother and Bitil received K. well, 
and supplied him. Another time Khani came, 
and received A. as a father. King orders A. to 
rebuild Zumur. Kings of Nukhassi have 
fought A. and taken town, urged by Khatib, _ 
and A. has not rebuilt. Khatib hpjs., \aken 
half of what king gave him, anrj a ll the gold 
and silver. King has asked iwhy A. refused 
his etfvoy and welcomed "that of the Khatti ; 
but he has r;^ ve( i t h e envoy well. 

(S.B.A. xv. 372.) 

Here the ki^g, has heard O f t h e fall of Zumura, and 
ordered its tj restorat i onj but Aziru tries to throw the 


blame of its destruction on the kings of Nukhassi and 
Khatib the Egyptian, who were apparently leagued 
with Aziru. He also tries to abuse Khatib as false to 
the king. 

Another lament from Ribaddu follows ; the sender's 
name is rendered Rabimur or Ilu*rabi'khur, but this 
is apparently from Ribaddu. 


RIBADDU (?) to king of Egypt. A. ruled in Gubla. 
Aziru has smitten Aduna king of Irqata, the 
land of Ammiya and the king of Ardata, and 
taken Tsumura and other towns. Only Gubla 
is left to the king. The city of Ullaza and 
Palasa are captured by Aziru. Sarnu . . . 
Itakama smote the land of Am. The king of 
the Khatta, and king of Nariba . . . 

(S.B.A. xiii. 220; R.P, xvii. 90.) 


ILU-RABI'KHUR of Gubla to king of Egypt. Aziru 
has leagued with the kings of Ammiya and 
Ni against the king. He asks for 30 to 50 
men to guard the city and Zumur, and warns 
the king against Aziru. (B.O.D. 45.) 

Ribaddu again reports his afflictions in the next. 


RIBADDU to king of Egypt. Zumuru captured. Biri 
an Eg. officer slain and men scattered. 
R. applied to Pakhamnata, who would not 
help, and was present when Zumuru was 
destroyed. Troops of Gubla slain at Zumuru, 
No corn in Gubla, serious state. 

(B.O.D* 24,) 


Pakhamnata, evidently an Egyptian envoy, seems to 
have played false ; and we see old Arad'ashirta claim- 
ing to be faithful and submissive to the envoy. 


ARAD-ASHRATU to king of Egypt. A. guards the 
whole land of Amuri. A. tells Pakhanati his 
inspector (or Resident) to take the auxiliaries 
... A. guards Zumur and Ullaza (taken by 
Aziru, see XCL). When the inspector brings 
word from the king, A. will give up Zumur. 

(S.B.A. xv. 502.) 

A new governor was sent to try to improve the 
affairs, and Ribaddu at once seeks to take action. 


RIBADDU to KHAYAPA. R. prostrates before K. 
sent as commissioner. R. asks for troops 
against Zemar. Ebed-asherah is strong 
among the Bedawin, and sent 50 convoys of 
horses and 200 soldiers into Sigata, which he 
holds, and also Ambi. ,^ 

(R.P. xvni. 56.) 

He also appeals to another governor, but in vain. 


RIBADDU to AMANAPPA. R. prostrates himself 
before A. May the goddess of Gubla protect 
him. r Asks why he does not speak for him, 
that A. may come with troops and take land 
of Amuri. Amuri have a stronghold and no 
longer belong to Arad'asirta ; they drill day 
and night, and we must do the same. All the 
governors desire action since Arad'asirta has 


ordered people of Ammiya to slay their master. 
R. asks A. to tell all this to the king. A. 
knows R. and his acts at Zumur. 

(S.B.A. xv. 355.) 

Ribaddu appears to have discovered some defection 
in the enemy's party, and wished to encourage the new 
envoys to take active steps. For a time it seems as if 
the Egyptian interest was succeeding, as in the next 
letter, after they had been short of corn for two years, 
and Ribaddu was limited to Gubla, the governor ejected 
Ebed-asherah from Amurri. 


RIBADDU to king. For two years no corn ; all 
families of garrison have gone to Yarimuta. 
King has sent 400 men and 30 convoys of 
horses to Shuta, who will defend city. Yan- 
khamu says "king gave corn to Ribaddu, 
therefore give to Tyre." And likewise Yapa- 
addu. King did not give corn in Zemar, but 
gives it in Gubla. The king of Tarizi marched 
to Zemar and Gubla ; the governor has de- 
stroyed Ebed-asherah out of Amurri. E. had 
occupied Tyre. (R.P. xviii. 67.) 

But we next find that for three years there had been 
no corn, and Ribaddu cannot move out. 


RIBADDU to the king. R. protests his family fidelity. 
But brigands oppress the land, and R's people 
have fled to Yarimuta. For three years no 
cultivation ; only Gubla and two other places 
are left to R. Arad-asirta has taken Si gat a, 
and said to men of Ammiya, ' ' Slay your 
master," and they submitted. R, fears much, 


he is shut up as a bird in a cage in Gubla. 
Asks that Aman-appa (Amen 'em 'apt, letter 
CII.) shall state case. (S.B.A. xv. 351.) 


RIBADDU to AMANAPPA. Reports attacks on city, 
corn scarce for three years. Names Amurri, 
Mitani, Zumuru, and official Yankhamu who 
supplied corn. (B.O.D. 21.) 


RIBADDU to king. R. asks for troops to protect 
Gubla, etc. (B.O.D. 25.) 

Then even Gubla became insecure for Ribaddu. 


RIBADDU to AMANAPPA. Gubla is surrounded 
with foes ; people of Ambi stirred by Abd- 
ashirta have rebelled ; and R. is surprised 
that Amanappa should have ordered him to 
Zumuru, (B.OrB. 23.) 

Treachery began within the city. 


RIBADDU to the* king. R. went to Khamuniri 
( = Ammunira, CIII.). R.'s brother tries to 
drive r him from Gubla, and has guard and 
Yanazni with him. R. has never seen the 
king, but now sends his son. R.'s brother 
wishes to give Gubla to. sons of E bed-as hera*h, 
who are hostile in Puruzilim. R. begs for 
help. (R.P. xviii. 70.) 


Then Ribaddu flees to Beyrut. 


RIBADDU to king of Egypt. The men of Gubla and 
R.'s family demanded that he should submit to 
Arad'asirta. R. sent an account to the king, 
but no reply came. Corn ran short : so R. 
fled to Ammunira, governor of Biruta (Beyrut), 
who shut him out. Meanwhile R.'s family 
fled. (S.B.A. xv. 362.) 

Of Ammunira we learn a little before this, in the 
following : 


AMMUNIRA to king of Egypt. A chief of Biruta has 
O f obeyed the king's orders, and gone forth at the 
Biruta, head of his soldiers with horses and chariots. 

(S.B.A. xv. 366.) 

But his account of Ribaddu's flight seems to show 
that he gave him shelter. 


AMMUNIRA to king of Egypt. A. will guard Biruta 
until auxiliaries come. Ribaddu of Gubla has 
taken refuge with A. R.'s brother is in Gubla, 
and has given the sons of R. to the rebels of 
Amuri. (S.B.A. xv. 368.) 

The other side of the story comes from the rebel 


ABD-ASHIRTA to the king of Egypt. A. protests his 
fidelity in Gubla, and asks for assistance. 
Acknowledges receipt of letter, and sends in 
answer ten women. (B.O.D. 33.) 


After Ribaddu fled, the garrison followed his example. 


RIBADDU to king of Egypt. Owing to corn not 
coming from Yarimuta, the garrison rebelled 
and left Gubla. R. is no longer governor, 
and the cities are ruled by Aziru, leagued with 
Abd-ashirta. (B.O.D. 19.) 

Lastly, Beyrut fell, as Ribaddu reports. 


RIBADDU to AMANAPPA. R. asks for an explana- 
tion of the censures on him. Though Biruna 
(Beirut) has fallen, R. supplied soldiers and 
chariots to protect it. (B.O.D. 25.) 

The last letter from Ribaddu is a final appeal to the 
king to act strongly. 


RIB ADDA to king of Egypt. Reports Abd-ashirta 
coming, and the fall of Biruta. Unless the 
king sends chariots and soldiers at once, all 
the coast from Biruta to Egypt will fall to 
enemy, A little help from Egypt will enable 
R. to hold out. (B.O.D, 17.) 

We now turn to the letters concerning Southern 
Syria, the principal personages in which are not found . 
in the preceding series. Two or three times a link 
occurs between the Northern and Southern series, and 
no doubt the earlier letters that here follow were 
written bdbre the later letters which we have already 
summarised. The main due to the order in the follow- 


ing letters is the alliance of Labai with Ebed'tob in the 
Egyptian interest at first, and his later union with the 
Syrian party. Many of the letters are so short and 
unallusive that they can only be fitly grouped by the 

The first letter here has lost the sender's name ; from 
the tenor of it, we can hardly be wrong in attributing it 
to Ebed'tob, especially as he defends Urushalim (Jeru- 
salem), which was that governor's place. 


x to king of Egypt. ... as to Urushalim, if the land 
remains to the king why is not Khazati the 
capital ? Gimti-Kirmil (Gimza) is fallen to 
Tagi and men of Guti (Gath). He is in Bit- 
Sani (Beit Shenna, 4! S.E. Gimzu ?), and E. 
arranged that Lab'ai should give ... to the 
Khabiri. Milkilim sent to Tagi ; and granted 
requests of Kelti (Keilah) We have delivered 
Urushalim. The guard left in it Khapi son of 
Miyariya (Hapi son of Meryra). Addalim 
(Hadad-el) remains in Khazati. 

(R.P. xvii. 73.) 

Zimrida, the letter naming whom was found at 
Lachish by Dr. Bliss, appears as governor of that city 
here. In the letter CXI. he is named as in the Syrian 
interest ; so we must only look on the present letter as 
a polite blind, like Aziru's letters LXXX. to LXXXIV. 
Whether this Zimrida is the same as Zimrida of Zidon, 
whom we last saw in letter LXXXV. as taking Tyre, 
is uncertain ; if there be but one Zimrida, this letter 
must come after No. LXXXV. Anyhow, No. CXII. 

records his end. 


ZIMRIDI to king of Egypt. Z. the chief of Lakisha 
has received orders and will execute them. 

(S.B,A xiii. 319.) 



EBED-TOB to king of Egypt. E. protests fidelity. 
Suta (Suti) the commissioner has come, and 
E. has given him 21 women and 20 men 
slaves. There is war against Egypt as far as 
mountains of Seri (Surah, on hills 6 S.E. of 
Gath) and Guti-Kirmil (Gath). The Khabiri 
are capturing forts. Turbazu (Egyptian) was 
killed in Zilu (Zelah). Zimrida (Syrian) of 
Lachish is slain. Yaptikh-addu (Egyptian) 
was killed in Zilu. E. begs for reinforce- 
ments, the land being rn extremity. 

(R.P. xvii. 68.) 


EBED'TOB to king of Egypt. E. is accused of revolt. 
E. asks the governor why he favours the 
Khabiri, and often has reported to the king 
the attacks on the land. Asks for Yikhbil- 
Khama. Ili-milki (Elimelech) is destroying 
king's land. Khabiri are wasting alf. 

(R.P. xvii. 66.) 


SUYARDATA to king of Egypt. S. ordered to attack 
Kelte. Ebed'tob sent 14 pieces of silver to 
men of Kelte to attack S. Ebed'tob took 
Kelte, Bel'nathan (?), and Hamor (?). Lab'api 
(Labai) and Ebed'tob occupy . . . ninu. 
Docket^ repeated refusal. 

< (S.B.A. xi. 348 ; R.P. xvii. 77.) 

This letter is the last naming Labai as being on the 
Egyptian side j and the first to bring in Suyardata, 
whom we frequently find later. We turn now to a 
short connected series which belong to about this time. 


CXV. (in full, see p. 185). 

YATIBIRI to king of Egypt. Yankhama took Yatibiri 
(Hotep-ra) into Egypt when young, and 
Yatibiri lived in the palace. Later Yatibiri 
was guarding Azzati (Gaza) and Yapu (Joppa), 
and always went with the auxiliaries. 

(S.B.A. xv. 504.) 

Yankhama appears as viceroy in the next, which is 
from the region of Tiberias. 


MUT-ADDA to YANKHAMU. Ayab and king of 
Bitilim fled, and the enemy are in the city. 
Refers Y. to Bininima and Isuya. Names city 
of Ashtarti. The cities of Udumu, Aduri, 
Araru, Mestu, Magdalim, Khinianabi, Zarqi- 
zabtat, Khayini and Ibilimma are hostile. 

(R.P. xviii. xvii.) 


SHIBTI-ADDA to king of Egypt. Acknowledges 
letter. Yankhamu is faithful. 

(B.O.D. 65.) 

CXVI 1 1. 

BAYAWI to king of Egypt. Owing to Yankhamu, 
rebels have seized the country. 

(B.O.D. 60.) 

This was the usual device of a man who was rebel- 
ling, to accuse the Egyptian party falsely, in order to 
hide his defection of attacking them. Beyawi, or Beya, 
next appears as an adversary. 



ADAD-DAYAN to king of Egypt. There is war in 
Tumur (Tumra? 7 N.E. Gaza). Mankhate 
(Wady el Menakh, 7 S. Gezer) was taken by 
Beya. Rianap retook it, and Ghezer and 
Rubute. Ransoms are 30 of silver for some 
men, and 100 for Beya's men. 

(M.A.F. vi. 299.) 

Another translation varies thus : The city of Tumur 
and city of Mankhate revolt. Addu'kimimma 
(the writer) took . . . from Beya, and gave it 
to Rianap. Beya of Rubute has not reported 
lately. For provisions for men 30 pieces of 
silver ; for city of Beya 100 pieces. 

(S.B.A. xi. 394.) 

Rianap (Ra*em*ap) was an Egyptian governor, as 
we see in the next. 


BUADDA to king of Egypt. B. guards his land. B. 
was rebuked for his conduct to Rianappa^and 
promises now to look on R. as on the king. 

(B.O.D. 56.) 


BUADDA of Urza to king of Egypt. B. advised 
Shakhshikhashi (?) not to help the enemies. 

(B.O.D. 55.) 


BUADDA of Pitazzi to king of Egypt. Report of 
peace, (S.B.A. xL 329.) 


Another glimpse of Bey a appears. 


x to king of Egypt. The troops sent to Tyre were 
taken prisoners by Biya son of Gulati ; now 
Biya is expelled from the city, and the city is 
in right hands. (B.O.D. 71.) 

Returning now to Labai's party. 


ADDIHTLU to king of Egypt. Two sons of Lab'ai 
have joined A.'s enemy; they complain that 
the king gave to Sirila'giti a city that Labai 
took. They have stirred up men of Gina 
(Jamah, 7 W. Bethel), besides smiting Avanu 
(Beth Aven, near Bethel) ; and they addressed 
an Egyptian prince Namya'itsa. Sons of 
Lab'ai say they war like their father when he 
was set over Sunama (Selmeh ? 3 E. Joppa) 
and Burqa (Bene-beraq, 5 E. Joppa) and 
Kharabu (El Khurab, n E. Joppa?), and took 
Giti-Rimuna (Gath-rimmon, near Joppa, Jos. 
xix*.45) Messengers of Milkilim. 

(R.P. xvii. 83.) 


TAGI to king of Egypt. T. is father-in-law of Milkili, 
and asks that main roads be still guarded by 
Milkili. (B.O.D. 70.) 

This relationship explains the next letter. 


EBED-TOB to king of Egypt. Milkilim joins sons of 
Labai and sons ofArzai to take the country. 


Milkilim joined with Tagi and took Rubute 
(Rabbah). Puru (or Pauru = Paari) is in 
Khazati (Gaza). Requests that Yikhbil- 
Khamu be sent. (R.P. xvii. 71.) 

We now turn to another group of letters concerning* 
Labai and Arzai, or Arzawiya ; prefixing two which 
are of an earlier date before the great troubles, and 
which belong to the North, but which throw light on 
the same people. 


AKIZZI to NAP-KHUR-RIYA. A. is governor of 
Qatna ; he names services in victualling the 
army ; asks for troops to be sent to occupy 
country around, which would welcome them. 
Men of Qatna seized by Aziru ; asks for rescue 
or ransom. Statue of Shamash taken from 
Qatna by king of Khatti, asks N. to send 
ransom. (B.O.D. 36.) 


AKIZZI to NAP-KHUR-RIYA. King of Khatti has 
obstructed him. Aitugama of QedeSfr; Tiu- 
yatti governor of Lapana, and Arzauya 
governor of Gizzi, are leagued ; but kings of 
Nukhashshi, Ni, Zinzar, and Kinanatare faith- 
ful. A. asks for troops soon, as kings with 
Aitugama ^nd Dasha in the land of Am are 
going to take Aup. Timasgi is in the land of 
Aup. (B.O.D. 37.) 



YASHDATA to king of Egypt. Men of Takh . . . 
have raided Y* Y. is allied with Biridiyi 
governor of Megiddo. (B.O.D. 59.) 



BIRIDI to king- of Egypt. Labai wars against B. 
City of Aveti (or Abitu, CXXXIII. Abdeh, 
15 S. of Tyre) received the Egyptians. Labai 
attacks Megiddo. B. desires forces. 

(R.P. xvii. 81.) 


BIRIDI to king of Egypt. Megiddo is besieged, and 
there are rebels in the low country. 

(R.P. xvii. 82.) 

Labai failed, it seems, but succeeded in escaping. 


x to king of Egypt, x chased Labaya, who was with 
Yashdata, but could not claim him, as Labaya 
had been taken at Megiddo by Zurata, who 
would have sent him to Egypt by ship ; so x 
gave money to Zurata. to get hold of Labaya, 
but Zurata took L. to his house in Khinatuna, 
and then Labaya and Addamikhir escaped. 
How is x to get back his money spent for the 
king? (B.O.D. 72.) 

This looks as if Labai had been ransomed by his 
friend out of the Egyptian hands ; and then they were 
scheming to make the Egyptians repay the money. 

The next gives the last notice about Namyayiza, 
named in CXXIV. and many earlier letters. 


x to king of Egypt. Names rebels. Biridashyi stirred 
up city of Inu-amma (Yanuh, 7 E. Tyre); they 
took chariots in city of Ashtarti (Ashteroth, 


21 E. Gennesaret) ; kings of Buzruna (Bozrah) 
and Khalunni (Golan, 'Allan) league with Biri- 
dashyi to slay Namyayiza, who refuged m 
Timasgi, and, being attacked by Arzauya, 
declared himself Egyptian. Arzauya went to 
Gizza (Gish, 22 S.E. Tyre) and toolr Shaddu ; 
Itakkama of Qedesh ravaged Gizza, and 
Arzauya and Biridashyi wasted Abitu (Abdeh, 
15 S. Tyre) ; x will guard the city of Kumidi. 

(B.O.D. 43.) 

We now continue the history of the attacks by Labai 
and Milkili on the region nearest to Egypt. 


EBED-TOB to king of Egypt. Gezer, Asqaluna, and 
La(chish) have given supplies. Urgent need 
of troops. E. occupies Urushalim. Milkilim 
and Labai have given country to the Khabiri. 
As to the Kasi (Babylonians?), let the king 
ask the commissioner how strong the temple 
is. Pauru (Pa-ari) will come to Urushalim to 
deliver Adai. E. has made roads in the plain 
and hills. Consider Ayaluna (Ajalon) E. not 
able to make road. (R.P. xvii. 74.) 

Gezer, however, was in difficulties before the end, as 
we read from the unlucky governor. 


YAPAKHI of GAZRI to the king of Egypt. Acknow- 
ledges letter, and asks for support in Gezer. 

(B.O.D. 49.) 


YAPAKHI to king of Egypt. Acknowledges letter ; a 
raid of the Sute. (B-O.D. 5*0 



YAPAKHI to king of Egypt. Y.'s younger brother 
has joined the rebels in Mu(ru ?)khazi, Y. 
asks for instructions. (B.O.D. 50.) 

Labai sends in his version of affairs. 


LABAI to king of Egypt. The king's soldiers behaved 
. as enemies. (B.O.D. 61.) 


LAB'AI to king of Egypt. Excuses attack on Gazri 
(Gezer) because the people had taken property 
of L. and Milkilim. The king sent to Bin' 
sumya. (R.P. xvii. 78.) 

Milkili we see to have been in the service of Egypt 
by the following : 


MILKILI to king of Egypt. Acknowledges letter, 
asks for troops. (B.O.D. 63.) 


MILKILI to king of Egypt. M. announces bringing 
a despatch. (S.B.A. xi, 371.) 


MILKILIM to king of Egypt. M. and Suyardata 
have enemies; asks for forces to protect themj 
desires that Yankhama be questioned. 

(R*P. xvii. 80.) 

n 20 


Suyardata was another of the Egyptian allies 


SHUARDATA to king of Egypt. S. is carrying out 
orders. (B.O.D. 69.) 


SHUARDATA to king of Egypt. S. has sent all his 
soldiers to the Egyptian army, and also girls 
and a dragoman to the king. (B.O.D. 67.) 


MILKILI to king of Egypt. M. receives orders, and 
has obeyed them. (S.B.A. xiii. 325.) 


MILKILI to king of Egypt. The enemy has come 
against him and Suyardata. 

(S.B.A. xiii. 326.) 


MILKILI to king of Egypt. Yankhamu has carried 
off M.'s wives and children. Desires chariots 
and soldiers to protect them. (B.O.D. 62.) 

The last letter oY Ebed'tob shows that even the South 
was lost. 


EBED-TOB to king of Egypt. Milkilim and Suar- 
datum join forces of Gazri (Gezer), Gimti 
(Gimzo), and Qilti" (Keilah), and occupied 
Rubute (Rabbah). Land gone over (?) to 


Khabiri. King- still has Urushalim, city of 
the temple of Uras, whose name is Shalim. 

(R.P. xvii. 72.) 

One letter remains from a hopeless queen, who 
evidently belonged to the South. 


URASMU ... or NIN'UR-ZIKARI to king of Egypt. 
The country is exposed to the khabbati (plun- 
derers or Bedawin), who have sent to Ayaluna 
(Ajalon) and Zarkha (Zorah) . . , two sons of 
Milkilim. The sender is queen of Zapuna. 

This completes the letters containing allusions which 
enable them to be connected with others. Other letters 
may here be mentioned in order to complete the cata- 
logue. All with names are addressed to the king of 

CL. Abdi-ashtati. Acknowledges letter. ( 
CLI. Amakizi names theking's house before 

city of As(or Dil)nate In 

3rd year A. 's father did .... (S.B.A. xi. 385.) 
CLII. Dagantakala. Father and grand- 
father obeyed the king. (S. B. A. xiii. 327. ) 
CLI II. Dagantakala, asks for help. (B.O.D. 74.) 
CLIV. Dasru. Report of peace. (S.B.A. xi. 327.) 
CLV. Dashru. Acknowledges letter. ( 
CLVI. Gesdinna. Report. (S.B.A. x. 496.) 
CLVII. Khumyapiza (? Namyapiza, letters 50, 
82, 125, 134). Reports his arrival 
with his troops. (S.B.A. xi. 333.) 
CLVIII. Nampipi or Khuzam. Report. (S.B.A. x. 493.) 
CLIX. Pidas of Oilbarlugil ? Report. (S.B.A. x. 491.) 
CLX. Zidri'ara. Acknowledges letter, a*d 

performs orders. (B.O.D. 76.) 

CLXI. Zinarpi. Report. (S.B.A. x. 499.) 

GLXII. From.*. Names city of Biduna. (S.B.A. x. 498.) 
CLXIII. From x of Gubbu, who sent soldiers to 

the king's army. (B.O.D. 78.) 

CLXIV. Fragment naming Sid(?)nina a king. (S.B.A. x. 517.) 


CLXV. x to Nabkhurriya. x conferred with 

Mimmuriya .... 14 pieces of 

crystal of the mountain .... 4 

papyri. (S.B.A. xi. 383.) 

CLXVI. From x. refers to Napkhurriya and 

Mimmuriya. (M.A.F. vi. 311.) 

CLXVII. From x. Acknowledges orders, and 

sends tribute. (B,O.D. 81.) 

CLXVIII. From x. Received 200 pieces of silver 

(obscure). (S.B.A. xi. 375.) 

CLXIX. From^r. Complaint of army exactions. (S.B.A. xi. 369.) 
CLXX. From x to y, x is accused, and asks 
y to refer his case to the king for 

CLXXI. From x. A fragment. 
CLXXII. From x. Broken ; the burden of each 
sentence is " The king my Lord my 
sun god," like Ps. cxxxvi. (S.B.A. xi. 364.) 

CLXXIII. Mythological text about a plague 

demon. (S.B.A. xi. 386.) 

Fragments of dictionaries and letters. (P.A. 36.) 

(B.O.D. 79.) 
(S.B.A. xi. 372.) 


Amanappa Amen 'em 'apt 55, 58, 96, 
98, 99, 101, 108 
Amankhatbi Amen'hotep 73 
Amantna Amen'mery 55, 67 
Ammunira Amen'ra? 103-105 
Dudu Tutu (tomb 8 T. A.) 50, 
52, 54 81 
Khamasi Kha'em'uas n, 12 
(tomb Memphis) 
Khapi Hapi no 
Khaip 88 
Khayapa 95 
Khaya 66 
Khatib Hotep 52, 71, 81, 83, 84, 
Khuri = Nap 'khu *riya 3 
Manakhbina Men'kheper'ra ' 86 
Manakhbiya Men'kheperu'ra 28 
Miya'riya Meryra no 
(tomb 4 T. A.) 
Nab'khur'riya Nefefkheperu'ra 127, 
128, 165 
Nap-khuTiya < 166 

Nap'khura'riya Nefer'kheperu'ra 9, etc. 
Nap'khuru'riya ,, 12, 47 
Nip'khurri'riya ,, 17 
Mim'mur'iya Neb'maafra 9, 12, 165, 

Nim'mur'iya ,, 5, etc. 
Nimufriya ,, ^.^ i 
Nip'mua'riya ,, 4, 13 
Pakhanati Pa'kha'en'ta (?) 94 
Pakhamnata ,, 93 
Puru Pa'ari 126, 134 
(tomb Thebes) 
Rianappa (Amen) Ta'en 'apt 119, 120 
^ ( Suta(tomb 19 T. A.) 
Suta 1 -j 18.46, tia 
V (or Suti (tomb 15 T.A.) 
Shuta I 97 
Shuti J 18 
Teie Tyi 9, 10, n 
Yankhamu (?) 69-71, 97, 99, 115-118, 
J 4 2 *47 
Yatibiri Hotep'ra 115 

(The references given to tombs at Tell el Amarna, 
etc., are to illustrate the names at this period, but are 
not necessarily of the identical persons.) 




(For Egyptian kings see previous list.) 


Assur'yu'ballidh 27 

Iddin'adda 89 

(v. Amanappa) 

Ayab 116 

Ugi 75 

Abbikha 74 

Aziru 50-54, 67, 70, 

Ilumilku - 79, 113 

Abdashirta 56, 58, 


Ilurabikhur 92 

59, 64-66, 69-72, 

107, 127 

Irsappa i 

101-103, 106, 107, 

Balgarib 73 
Balumme 47 

Irtaba 14 
Isuyaor Yishuya 116 

109, 150 (?) 

Bayawi ) 118 

Itagama (v. Aitu- 

Abdi-milki 89 

Beya j 119, 123 


Abdirama 89 

Bikhura 88, 89 

Itamagapapiri 79 

Abdisullim 76 

Bilti'ilu 40 

Kallimmasin 13, 

Abi'milki, or 

Binaddu 40 

14, 15 

Abisharri 75, 78, 

Binana 40 

Karaindash 16 

79, 85, 87, 89 

Binili 40 

Khabi 85 

Adad'dayan 119 

Bininima 1 16 

Khaip 88 

Adad'puya 40 

Binsumya 139 

Khamasi 11, 12 

Adai 134 

Binzicldi 40 

Khamu'niri 102 

Addalim ... no 

Biri 71, 93 

Khanni ) 7, 12, 35, 

Addamikhir 1 32 

Biridi or Biridashyi 

Khanya j 62, 90 

Addu 'itlu 1 24 

129-131, 133 

Khapi no 

Addu'kinumma 119 

Bitil 90 

Khatib 52, 71, 81, 83 

Addu'nirar 28 

Buadda 120-122 


Aduna 91 

Bubri 10 

Khaya (v. Khaip) 66 

Aitugama 41, 

Burnaburyash 16, 

Khayapa 95 

91, 128, 133 
Akhidhabu 47 

*7 18,47 
Da ) , 

Khumyapiza 157 
Khuzam ? 158 

Akiya 30 

Dasarti \ 6 * 

Kistunizizanni 13 

Akizzi 137, 138 


Kurigalzu 17 

Amakizi 151 

15 2 > J 53 

Labai "\ no, 114, 

Amanappa 55, 58, 

Dasha 128 

124, 126, 

96, 98, 99, 101, 

Dashru 154, 155 

Labapi V 130, 132, 

1 08 

Dudu 50, 52, 54, 81 

1 134, 138, 

Amankhatibi 73 

Dushratta 4-12 

Labaya J 139 

Amanma 55, 67 


Liya 62 

Ammunira 103-105 

(v. Abdashirta) 

Mada 62 

Amurhadad 40 

Ebed'ip 40 

Mani 5, 6, 7, 10 

Anati 40 

Ebed'tob no, 112- 

Mania 62 


114, 126, 134, 148 

Melekh'mi ... 70 

(v. Abdashirta) 

Edugama (v. Aitu- 

jjVlilkilim no,' 

Artama'shamas 39 

gama) 41 

124-126, 134, 139- 

Artash'shumra 4 

Gesdinna 156 

142, 145-149 

Artatama 1 1 

Gilukhipa 4 

Mi} r ariya no 

Arzai 1 26 

Gilya 5, 6, 9, 1 1 

Mutadda 1 16 

Arzauya 128, 133 
Assurnadin'akhi 27 

Gulati 123 
H. see A. 

Nakharamassi 6, 7 
Nampipi ? 150 


Namyapiza ) 45, 46, 
or [79,124, 
Namyaitza ) 133 
Nimmakhi 62 

Nin'ur'zikari 149 
Nisag 1 1 

Pakhamnata 93, 94 
Pakhura 57 

Palasa 91 

Paluma 62 

Pauru (v. Puru) 134 
Pidas 159 

Pirizzi 10 

Pirkhi 4 

Pisiari 62 

Puru 126 


(v. Rib'addu) 91 

Rianappa 119, 120 

Ribaddu 55-6i 

64-72, 88, 89, 95- 

103, 105, 107-109 

Salmasalla 68 

Saratum (v. Zurata) 


Sarru (Saratum ?) 62 
Shakhshikhashi (?) 

Shatiyi 34 

Shibtiadda 117 

Shumandi 35-38 
Shuta 97 

Sidnina ? 164 

Sindisugab 16 

Sitatama 1 1 

Suilagiti 1 24 

Sukharti 14 

Sumadda 47~49 

Suta 1 8, 464 112 

Sutarna 5, n, 29 
Sutatna (v, Zatadna) 
Suyardata 1 14, 

142-144, 146, 148 
Suyarzana 73 

Tadukhipa 8, 9, 10, 

II, 12 

Tagi no, 125, 126 
Tarkhundaras i 
Tarkumiya 70 

Teie 9, 10, 11 

Tiuyati 128 

Tunipipri * 4 
Turbazu 112 

Tuya 62 

Umeatu 10 

Urasmu . . . 149 

Yama 43 

Yanazni 102 

Yankhama 69-7 1 , 

97 99n5-:J 18, 142, 


Yapa'addu 55, 64, 
67, 69-71, 97 
Yapakhi 135 

Yaptikh-addu 112 
Yashdata 129, 132 
Yatibiri 115 

Yidya 31-33 


113, 126 

\ ishuya or Isuya 1 16 
Yivana 56 

Yum 9 

Zakara 13 

Zatadna 44, 46, 47 
Zi . . . an 2 

Zidriara 160 

Zimrida in Zidon 64, 
77;79 85 J >n La- 
chish in, 112 
Zinarpi 161 

Zirdamyasda 46 
Zitana(s;. Zatadna) 40 
Zurata 47, 132 


Abdeh(is S. Tyre) 130, 133 
Toran?(io W.Tiberias) 116 
Akka 44, 46, 47 

Acbzib (8 N. Akka) 58 
N. Syrian coast 20-26, 67 
I mm (21 . Antioch) 40, 
91, 128 
101, 95, 72, 68 

6, 98 

Upper Orontes 50, 51, 58, 
62, 64, 66, 67, 71, 94, 96, 
97, 99, 105 

Artusi (9 N^S. Tripoli)" 
68, 91 

Arvad, Ruad 66,85 


Ashteroth (29 E. Tiberias) 

116, 33 


Askelon 33, 134 








Ammi or Ammiya (E. of Simyra) 

59, 9t, 92, 











Belnatban (?) 




Aven, Haiyan 

(7;. Abitu) 
Gaza? Azotus? 





Beyrut 66, 67, 103-105, 
108, 109 

Betbel ? 116 

Beit Shenna<4 S.E. Gimzo) 

Bene baraq (5 E. Joppa) 124 
Bozrah 133 

Danian (13 S. Tyre) 79 









Gilu 73 

Gimti Gimzu (14 S.E. Joppa) no, 148 


Gina Jamah (7 W. Bethel) 124 

Murukhazi ? 137 

Gitirimuna Gathrimmon 124 
Gizza Giscala, Gish (22 S. E. Tyre) 

Musikhuni 29 
Nariba Nerab (2 E. Aleppo) 91 

128, 133 

Ni, Nina ( E. of Aleppo) 8, 86, 92, 128 

Gubbu Gapa?(i2 S. W. Hamah) 163 
Gubla Gibla (i 4 S. Laodicea) 57, 

Nukhassi (around Aleppo) 28, 40, 
52-54, 81-84, 90, 128 

59, 62, 67, 91-93, 96-981 

Pitazzi 122 

100-1031 105-107 

Puruzilim 102 

Guti-kirmil Gath ' no, 112 

Qatna Katma? (23 W.N.W. 

Hamor(?) 114 

Aleppo) 127 

Ibilimma Ibleam 116 

Qideshu Qedesh (22 S. E. Tyre) 

Igaid i 
Inuamma Yanuh (7 E. Tyre) 133 
Irqata Arkas (14 E.N. E. Tripoli) 

79, ja8, 133 
Qidsa Qadisha (Tripoli) 62 
Qelte Keilah no, 1x4, 148 

63-64, 91 

Rubute Rabbath (6 N.E. Beit 

Kannishat 17 

Gibrin) 119, 126, 148 

Karduniyas (Babylonia) 13-18 
Kasi (Babylonians) 68, 69, 72, 134 

Samkhuna Semekhonitis (Mcrom) 48 

Kelte (v. Qelte) 

Sankhar 22 

Khabiri Hebronites no, 112, 113, 

Sawa ... 71 

134, 148 

Serdani Shardana 57, 59 

Khalebu Aleppo 6 

Seri Surah (6 S.E. Gath) 112 

Khalunni Golan < 133 

Shaddu 133 

Khanigabbior) (E. Cappadocia) 6, 13, 
Khani rabbatu I 27 

Shanku Shakku (10 S. W. Tripoli) 63 
Sigata Tell Saukat(i6 S. Laodicea) 

Kharabu El Khurab ? (n E. Joppa) 

68, 72, 95, 98 

Khatti Hittites i, 2, 3, 4, 40, 41, 

Sunama Selmeh?(3 E. Joppa) 224 
Suti = Satiu Bedawin 27, 45, 57, 89, 136 

69, 70, 79-84, 86, 90, 91 

Takh ... 129 

127, 128 

Tambuliya Zambul (22 E. Tripoli) 67 

Khayini 116 

Tarkusi 70 

Khazati Gaza, Azotus ? 110.126 

Timasgi Damascus 128, 133 

Khazi Tell Kussis (8 N.W. 

Tisa ... 61 

Megiddo) 73 

Tsumura (v . Zumuri) 

Khazur Hazor(i3S.E. Tyre) 75, 76 
Khinatuna Kanatha 47, 132 

Tsurri Tyre 56, 59, 60, 85, 87, 97, 123 
Tumur Tumrah?(7 N.JK. Gaza) 119 

Khinianabi 116 

Tunip Tennib (18 N. Aleppo) 

Kideshu (v. Qideshu) 

82-84, 86, 90 

Kinanat 128 

Tusulti Teiasir?(nN.E.Shechem) 

Kinanna Canaanite 79 


Kinakhkhi 47, 62 

Uduma Adamah (5 W.S.W. Ti- 

Kunakhau ,, 17 

berias) 116 

Kinza Hanezi (43 W. Aintab) 41 
Kukbi 74 

Ugaritu 13, 60, 79 
Ullaza 68, 71, gc, 94 

Kumidi 69, 88, 89, 133 

Urushalim Jerusalem no, 134, 148 

Lakisha Lachish in, 112, 134 

Urza Yerza ? (i i N. E. Shechem) 

Lapana Elbin (20 W.S.W. Aleppo)? 



Usteru ... 73 

Lukki Lykians 26 

Uzu Hosah (6 S. Tyre) 75, 85 

Lupakku 40 

Yapu Joppa 115 

Magdali Magdalim 73 

Yarimuta 50, 67, 69-71, 97, 98, 107 

Magdalim Magdala (3 N. Tiberias) 

Yibliya 68 

74, 116 

Zapuna 149 

Makhzi . . ti 73 

Zarak 70 

Mankhate Wady Menakh ( 7 S. Gezer) 

Zarkha Zorah(tx W.Jerusalem) 149 
Zarqizabtat Kaphar Sabti (7 W. Ti- 

Martu (v. Amurra) 61, 82, 84 

*berias) 116 

Megiddi Megiddo 46, 129-132 
Melukhkha 56, 71 

Ziduna Zidon6z,66, 67>7577~79>5 
Zilu Zelah (N. Jerusalem) 112 

Mestu Mushtah (14 W. Tiberias) 

Zinzar Shinshar(ii S. Horns) 128 


Ziribasani Bashan 39 

Mitanni (E. of Karkemish) 4-12, 68, 
69, 72, 99 

Zumuri ) Simyra 53, 56, 50, 61, 64, 
or > 65, 67-72, 80 (fallsX 85, 

Mitana*nanu= Mitanni 70 

Zemar ) 86, 88, 90-97, 99, xoi 


Heb. Hebrew ; Gr. Greek ; Italics, modern names. 

Most of the proposed identifications of names with 
sites in the foregoing: index are based strictJy on 
geographical indications. The sense of each narrative 
letter was followed as closely as possible ; and, after 
the positions were marked, all the letters were read over, 
using the map as a scheme of positions, and tracing 
the relations indicated, to make certain that no diffi- 
culties were involved in the proposed arrangement. 
Far more reliance is placed on position than on any 
exact details of transliteration, though none of the 
forms here suggested are unlikely modifications. That 
the transliterations were not strictly philological, is 
proved by the variable forms of the same name. I here 
make notes on such names as need observation ; many 
are commonly agreed on, and many others cannot be 
identified at present. 

ABITU was apparently near Tyre, being named with 
Gizza. Abdeh is in a likely region for this. 

ADURI was in the Tiberias region, in which Toran 
lies ; this is not satisfactory, but is the nearest -modern 

ALASIYA is entirely a coast region, the Egyptian Alosa, 
for all the references are to commerce and shipping, 
and nothing is said about the surrounding peoples, 
who were cut off by the Pierian mountains. The 
north end of the Syrian coast agrees with all the 
indications, but Cyprus has lately been suggested. 

AM is a district in the north. It was taken by the 
Khatti, and lay north of Tyre and Damascus. Imm, 
Gr. Imma, is the main city of a populous region, 21 
m. E. of Antioch and within reach of the Khatti. Kinza 
also, in the far north, attacked Am. 

AMMIYA is a district which is not the same as Am, as 
both occur separately in one letter. It is placed be- 


tween Irqata and Ardata, and was not very far from 
Sigata. There is no indication of the name in later 

AMURRA were a people whom Aziru and Abd'ashirta 
ruled over, before beginning to conquer Syria. In 
some tablets this region is named as Martu, a variant 
form of the name. Reports on Amurri are sent from 
Zumuri. The Amurri attack Gubla early in the war ; 
they drove a refugee to Qidsa (Tripoli), and took Gubla. 
All this limits them to the hinterland of Gubla and 
Zumuri. If, as seems likely, these people are the same 
as the Amar, conquered by the Egyptians in the XlXth 
and XXth dynasty, it would seem that they were 
pushed down Syria by the advancing Khita. 

ARDATA is apparently not the same as Arvada ; and 
from its linking between Irqata and Zumuri (94) it is 
probably the neighbouring port of Orthosia (Gr.), 

ASHTARTI was over the Jordan, by its link with 
Bozrah and Damascus. Probably it is Ashteroth 
(Heb.), Ashtarah\ or else the neighbouring city of 

AVANU, Heb. Beth-aven. This is not Bethel, for 
Ai was beside Beth-aven on the east of Bethel (Jos. 
vii. 2). Aven, Avanu, can hardly be other than 
Haiyan, 2 m. E.S.E. of Bethel. 

Azz ATI is usually considered-- Khazati, and both the 
same as Ghuzsteh, Gaza. It would be tempting to 
suppose some confusion between Gaza or Azzah (Heb.) 
and Ashdod or Azotus. Khazati being stated as west 
of Gimti, and being taken by the Gimtites, would point 
rather to Azotus than to Gaza. 

BITSANI is linked with Guti and Gimti, apparently 
close to the latter. This points to its being Beit 
Shennct) 4^ S.E. of Gtmsu. ^ 

BURQA is doubtless Benebarak, being linked with 

BUZRUNA is Bozrah, as the king joins a party at 
Ashtarti to chase a fugitive to Damascus. 

DANUNA is near Tyre, as Abisharri sends news of it 


While he was besieged. It is clearly Danian^ Heb. 
Danyaan, the natural stronghold on the top of Ras 
Nakura (the Hor-Nakura of the Egyptians), which is 
the southern boundary of view from Tyre, 16 m. 

GIMTI is usually rendered as Gath ; but as in one 
letter the men of Guti, Gath, are said to have taken 
Gimti, the two names must refer to two places. 
Immediately after taking Gimti they were in Bitsani ; 
and the close relation of Gimzo and Beit Shenna 
(4^ m. apart) points to these being the places in 

GINA is near Avanu, and therefore is Janiah, 7 m. W. 
of Bethel. 

GITIRIMUNA is Gathrimmon (Heb.) which was close 
to Joppa (Jos. xix. 45). 

GIZZA was near Tyre, and was raided along with 
Abitu, apparently by the party returning from Bashan. 
This points to its being Gish, Gr. Giscala, 22 S.E. of 

GUBBU may be Tell Gapa> 12 S.W. of Hamah^ but is 
probably a misreading for Gubla. 

GUBLA. This most important place has always been 
supposed to be Gebal, Gebail y Gr. By bios. There is, 
however, another coast city, with a name slightly; closer 
to Gubla, namely, Gabula (Gr.), Gibleh y 14 T. of 
Laodicea, The question between these two sites is 
fixed in letter xcviii., where Ribaddu has lost Sigata 
and was then shut up " like a bird in a cage," showing 
that Sigata was close to Gubla. Within two miles 
of Gabula is the outlying fort Tell Saukat, which is 
manifestly Sigata, and thus fixes Gubla to the northern 

GUTI has always been assigned to Gath, to which all 
indications ag*r%3. 

INU'AMMA is the Egyptian Ynuamu (or Yanu of the 
Amu, Syrians), which is almost certainly Yanuh, Heb. 
Yanoah, 7 m. E. of Tyre. 

IBILIMMA, named at the end of the Galilean towns, 
must be Ibleam (Heb.). 


IRQATA near Zumuri is plainly Arkas, Gr. Arke, 14 
E.N.E. ofTripolis. 

KHABIRI means only "the confederates/' They were 
in Judea and pressed from the hills down into the 
plain ; the name points therefore to Hebron, though, of 
course, the confederates may not have already settled 
at Kiriath-arba so early. Hebron was so named be- 
tween the time of Abraham's visit and the Exodus. 

KHALUNNI was near Ashtarti and Buzruna. This 
brings it to Golan ; and though Khalunni would 
normally form Holan ('Alem), yet as there is some 
variation in what seems to be the forms of this name, 
Golan for the city and region, and 'Alldn for the river 
traversing it, Khalunni may well represent the original 
name, which has been modified to Golan and 'Alldn by 
later peoples. 

KHATTI are doubtless the same as the Khita of the 
Egyptians, the Hittites. They occupied at this time 
the mountains, were leagued with Kinza, were above 
Nukhasse and Tunip, were in Nukhasse and went on to 
Tunip and Martu, and were allied with Nariba. All 
this points to their being beyond all the other peoples 
named, and gradually pushing southward. 

KHAZI is Khazay of the Thothmes lists, fixed by that 
at Tell el Kussis, 9 N. W. of Megiddo. 

KINZA, which was leagued with the Khatti in attack- 
ing the northern district of Am, is probably Hanezi y 
43 W. of Aintab. 

KHINATUNA was on the road from Karduniyas in 
Babylonia to Egypt. It must be on the east side of 
Syria, therefore. Messengers were there attacked by 
chiefs of Samkhuna and Akku, which shows that it was 
about Bashan. It agrees, therefore, with Kanatha 
(Gr.), Kanawat) which is sufficiently near the cunei- 

KINANNA, Kinakhi, Kunakhau, are forms of the 
well-known Canaanite. Amurra was in Kinakhi, and it 
included Daiiuna and Kanatha. All this points to a 
large region, from the upper Orontes down to the 
Jordan, and from the coast across to Bashan. 


LAPANA, near the land of Am, is probably Elbin, 20 
W.S.W. Aleppo. 

LUKKI are a people who professed alliance with the 
maritime Alasiyans in the extreme north coast, and 
were repudiated as being objectionable. This leaves 
no doubt that they are the Luka or Lykians, who appear 
as sea-rovers during* the next two dynasties. 

MANKHATE was in the region of Gazri and Rubute ; 
the Wady Menakh between these places (7 m. S. of 
Gezer) preserves the name. 

MARTU was the home of Aziru, otherwise called 
Amurri. It is named next to Nukhasse and Tunip ; and 
after the Khatti were in Nukhasse, they went into 
Martu, and ravaged Tunip. So it must be close to 
Tunip and between Nukhasse and Gubla ; the same 
region that we reach by the limitations of Amurri. 
This region (marked on map) contains a series of place- 
names in Mart ; Marata (two), Martaban, Mardib, and 

MISHTU is in the Tiberias group, and is doubtless 
Mushtahy 14 W. of Tiberias. 

NARIBA is mentioned with the Khatti, and is probably 
JVerab, 2 m. E. of Aleppo. As a king of Nariba is 
named, while the important site of Aleppo does not 
appear in all the war, it seems likely that Nerab may 
be the earlier site. "*" 

Ni is fairly fixed by Egyptian inscriptions to about 
the S.W. corner of the Euphrates, opposite to Aleppo. 
Nina is probably the same name. 

NUKHASSI was an important kingdom ; the king was 
appointed by Tahutjnes III.; it was early in touch with 
Aziru of Amurri ; liable to invasion from the Khatti ; 
lay between the Khatti and Tunip and Martu ; is named 
before Ni and Zinzar ; and the people joined Aziru in 
taking Zumur. r , This shows that it lay E. and N. of 
Tunip and Martu, and extended to the Amurri. It 
cannot, therefore, be Anaugas named by Egyptians 
near Tyre. 

QATNA was in the north, raided by the Khatti. It 
may therefore be Katma> 23 W.N.W, of Aleppo. 


QIDESHU is named by Abisharri of Tyre as fighting* 
against Namyapiza, who fled from Bashan to Damascus. 
Qedesh (Heb.), Qades> near Lake Merom, 22 S.E. of 
Tyre, agrees closely to these condition. 

QIDSA, another of the many holy cities, was a refuge 
from the Amurri, and is referred to from Zidon when 
writing about Gubla. The name has been preserved in 
the Nahr Qadisha^ which points to Tripoli having been 
a Qedesh before its Greek name was imposed. 

RUBUTE, from its linking with Gazri, Gimti, and 
Qelte, is the Rabbah, 6 N.E. of Beit Gibrin. 

SAMKHUNA was allied with Akku ; and the name is 
exactly preserved in Semekhonitis or Samokhonitis, a 
Greek name for Lake Merom. Evidently a city Samo- 
khon was on that water, and the name lingers in 
the Wady Samakh^ which flows into the east of the 

SERDANI appear as a people in the Egyptian interest ; 
probably, therefore, the Shardana mercenaries from the 
Mediterranean, who later formed the bodyguard of 
Ramessu II. 

SERI was on the hills east of Guti ; this is probably 
Surah) on the ridge, 6 S.E. of Gath ; or possibly Surah, 
Heb. Zorah, on the hills, 10 N.E. of Gath, which, 
however, appears here otherwise as Zarkha. 

SHANKU, near Irqata, is perhaps Shakku^ 10 S.W. of 

SIGATA, close to Gubla, is Tell Saukat, 2 S. of 

SUNAMA was close to Joppa, and is probably Selmeh, 
3 E. of Joppa ; just as Shunem has become Sulem. 

TAMBULIYA (or TUBULIYA elsewhere) was near Zumur,' 
and was attacked by Aziru. It agrees closely to Zambul^ 
22 E. of Tripolis. 

TUMUR was near Mankhate, Gazr^, and Rubute ; 
probably Tumrah^ 7 N.E. of Gaza. 

TUNIP agrees in all respects to the modern Tennib^ 
18 N. of Aleppo, 

YARIMUTA was certainly on the coast, and therefore 
not Yarmuth (Heb.). The site is unidentified. 


ZARKHA linked with Ayaluna is doubtless Zorah 
(Heb.), Surah) n W. of Jerusalem. 

ZARQISABTAT is a compound name ; as it belongs 
to the Tiberias group, it is probably Kefr Sabt> Gn 
Kaphar Sabti, 7 W. of Tiberias. 

ZILU is probably Zelah (Heb.), an unknown site N. 
of Jerusalem. 

ZINZAR, between Ni and Kinanat, agrees in position 
and name to Shmshar, 10 S. of Horns. 







FIG, i6a, Syria under Amenhotep IV. 



THE long* list of the names of conquered places given 
by the monuments of Tahutmes III., Ramessu III., 
and Sheshenq, beside various lesser records, have been 
studied by several authorities. The first impulse under 
Mariette and Brugsch was to care little for geographical 
relation, and to adopt forcible changes and inversions 
in the spelling, if a resemblance to well-known and 
important names could be thus produced. Their main 
principle was the presumed importance of the sites 
named. Maspero gave much more weight to the geo- 
graphical order, and refused arbitrary alterations in the 
names. Conder proposed many new and probable 
identifications. Tomkins endeavoured to make more 
complete identifications of sites throughout, placing 
more reliance on similarity of name than on position. 
Max Mutter was far more critical on the exact phonetic 
equivalence, but did not much use the geographical 
positions. As these writers came to very different 
results in some parts, it is desirable to re-examine the 
matter afresh with Jtheir various conclusions before us. 

The first consideration is, from what materials these 
lists have been compiled, and what lies behind the 
monumental series of names. That the Egyptians had 
regular maps from which an artist would read off the 
places in order, is very unlikely, when we see the rude- 
ness of the portions of maps which have been preserved 
to us. It would rather be from the papyrus records or 
cuneiform correspondence of the campaigns that the 
lists would have been compiled. These records would 


recite the . main course of the army, and the various 
lesser expeditions for plunder or punishment in thi 
remoter parts of the country. Hence we should not 
expect to find an unbroken series of names, threaded 
in the neatest order ; but rather a series of short lists, 
two or three of which might often radiate from one 
centre, and which might double back or cross one 
another. In treating the whole long list, then, we 
ought to find groups of several connected names ; but 
we should be prepared for sudden breaks from one 
region to another, where one list ends and another 

The equivalence of the Egyptian names with those 
found in Hebrew or in modern Arabic is a very difficult 
question, from its vagueness and the many uncer- 
tainties of it. No doubt, in carefully transcribed and 
carefully preserved names, a ^thorough system of equi- 
valence between hieroglyphs and the Semitic alphabet 
can be rigidly traced. But the fact of such a precise 
system existing must not lead us to ignore the many 
other sources of variation and change that affect the 
question. It is as well to specify these causes of differ- 
ence, as they have not all been noticed. 

(1) Original mutability of the name often exists. In 
the present day there is the hard and the soft gim side 
by side ; the g or the hiatus for 'am, also together ; 
the perversion of gim into shin (as in wug) 9 and of k 
into soft ch (chef or chelb), inversions of syllables (as 
in beta and tebd, and even in place-names), and other 
variations, which are often enough to make two equally 
correct ways of writing a name appear very different. 

(2) The errors of scribes in hearing and transcribing 
must certainly have affected the names. When we see 
the mistakes of Englishmen in writing foreign names of 
a new country, or, still more, the wild mistakes of the 
Norman scribes of Domesday Book ?n writing" Saxon 
names, although they were living in the place for their 
business, and used almost the same alphabet, how 
much more in hasty military reports, drawn up in a 
totally different system of writing, may we credit the 

II 21 


scribes with making strange errors. The variability 
of spelling of some often - recurring words as in 
the Sheshenq list shows how little precision was 

(3) Our other versions of the names may often be 
altered from what they were in Egyptian days. The 
aboriginal forms have probably undergone some altera- 
tion in passing from Amorite into Hebrew or Arabic, 
How many different races were in the land at the 
Egyptian invasions we do not know, but their language, 
if Semitic, was certainly neither the Hebrew nor Arabic, 
through which we have the names preserved. 
1 (4) Corruption of names by sheer wear as Woking- 
ham to Oakingham, or Brighthelmstone to Brighton, or 
Alexandria to Skandria is a frequent change ; and 
corruption by making sense of a name whose origin is 
forgotten is even commoner, as in Kentish Town, 
Leatherhead, Pepperharrow, Leghorn, the Campidoglio, 
or Hierosolyma. 

Considering, then, the chances of alteration in names, 
we should give the more weight to the clue that we 
have in the sequence in the lists, and trust to that if 
any passable form of the name can be found in the 
correct order of place. The principle of tracing a 
Hebrew root-meaning for the Egyptian form l^strict 
equivalence, and then requiring that Semitic root in 
the modern name, is excellent in theory ; but as, in 
practice, two or three entirely different roots are often 
proposed for one Egyptian form, this shows how little 
real certainty there is in such a process, and how 
readily fictitious results may be gained. This system, 
moreover, ignores the sources of error (2), (3), and (4), 
which we have just noticed. 

In determining the line of route of the lists, but little 
weight can be given to the presence or absence of 
common topographical terms, such as Am, a spring ; 
Mejdely a tower; Shuweikeh^ thorny place; Neqb, a 
valley ; Gennein or Ganat, gardens ; Abel or Aubela^ a 
meadow; Hagarim^ apparently stone- walled fields/ etc* 
Such names may easily vanish from their ancient places, 


or be introduced, according as specific names or descrip- 
tive generalities are more in use. 

We will now proceed to consider the list of Tahutmes 
III. of 119 places in the Upper Ruten country, or Pales- 
tine. Three versions of this exist on his monuments, 
and have been published (M.K. 17-21). In these trans- 
literations G is used for the basket k> and F for the 
square /, as such is the constant usage in the forms of 
the Semitic names in this list. Where our present 
conclusion differs from that of previous writers, it is 
marked *. Egyptian names are in capitals, and modern 
Arabic in italics. Positions are indicated by the dis- 
tance and bearing from well-known places or the last- 
named site. 

1. QEDSHU, named first, as being the most important con- 

quest, KadaSy near Lake Horns on the Orontes. 

2. MAGETY, Megiddo, el Lejjun, 19 miles S.E. of Haifa. 

3. KHAZAY, TellelKussis,*9N.W.ofLej;un. 

4. KITSUNA, Kuddasuna in cuneiform, Tell Keisan* 13 N. 

of Kussis. 

5. 'AN SHIU, now plural Ayun Shain* 16 S.E. of Keisan, 3 E. 

of Nazareth. 

6. DEBKHU,Tubikhucun., Tabghah? i6N.E. of Ayun Shain, 

on N.W. of Sea of Galilee. Or Jebel Tubakat, 17 
N.N.E. of Ayun Shain. 

7. BEM'AY, possibly Baneh, 10 W. of Tubakat. 

8. KAM ATA, perhaps Kama, 8 E. of Nazareth. 

9. TUTYNA, Umm Tuteh ? 17 N.E. of Akka. 

10. LEBBANA, Lebbuna, 13 N.N.E. of Akka. 

11. QERET'NEZENA, Kureiyeh ? 8 E. of Umm Tuteh. 

12. MARMA, Lake Merom, or Marun t 4 E.S.E. of Kureiyeh. 

.This circuit of places northwards through Galilee is 
evidently connected, and is perhaps continued south- 
ward in 20-27, tne Damascus road (13-19) having been 
inserted at the most northern part. 

13. TAMESQU, Dimeshq> Damascus. 

14. ATARU, Daraya,* 5 S.W. of Damascus. 

15. AUBIL, AbXkf-MtyAMt 14 N.W. of Damascus. 





FIG. 163. Map of Southern Syria. 


16. HEMTU, not found on this road, but perhaps brought in by 

confusion of the other E. Jordan road of Hamath to 

17. AQIDU, 'Ain Yakut? pass on the Lebanon, 20 S.S.E. of 


18. SHEM'ANAU, Beshamun* 7 S. of Beirut. 

19. BAARUTU, Beirut* 

This line is the best road from Damascus to Beirut 
for slow transit or a large body, as it is better watered 
than the modern road on a ridge. These places are on 
the direct line of this old road. 

20. MAZNA, Madiny Madon, 5 W. of Tiberias. 

21. SARUNA, Sarona, 6 S.W. of Tiberias. 

22. TUBY, Tubdun* and well, 12 S.W. of Sarona, 

23. BAZNA, Bessum ? i N. of Sarona. 

24. A'ASHNA, EshShuni* joS.E. of Sarona, 

25. MASAKH, Mes-hah, 3 S.W. of Sarona. 

26. QAANAU, waters of Qana by Megiddo in campaigpi. 

27. A'ARUNA, Aaruna in campaign, Ararah ? 7 S.W. of Lejjun. 

This group brings us from group 2-12 back to 
Megiddo, from which we " started. There seems to 
have been a garrison at Sarona making sorties in 
various directions, which form the group 20-25. The 
site of Megiddo at el Lejjun or Tell el Mutasellim y and 
not at el Mujedda, is proved by the campaign, and the 
relation there to Taanakh. 

28. ASTARTU, Tell Ashterah, Ashteroth Karnaim, 21 E. of 

Sea of Galilee. 

29. ANAU-REFAA, Rafah, Raphon, 9 N.E. of Ashterah. 

30. MAQATA, Migdad* 4 N. of Rafah. 

31. LI US A, Laish, Dan, Tell el Kady^ n N. of Merom. 

32. HUZAR, Khazura cun., Hadireh> 6 W. of Merom. 

33. FAHEL, Pella, Fahil, 18 S. of Sea of Galilee, 

34. GENNARTU, Khinneroth, about Tiberias. 

35. SHEMANA, Sebana* 3 W. of Magdala. 

36. ATMEM, Admah, 5 S. of Sea of Galilee. 

37. QASUNA, Qishion* of Issachar, about the head of river 


38. SHENAMA, Shunem, Solam, 7 S. of Nazareth. 


39. MASHAL, Meseliehy 15 S. of Shunem. 

40. AKSEF, t AfMk,*-g S.S.W. of Jeba. 

41. GEB'A-SU'AN, Geba,/*fo, 6 S.W. of Meselieh, 

42. TAANAK, 72**, 4 S.E. of Megiddo. 

43. YEBLAMU, Ibleam, Yebla t * 17 E. of Megiddo. 

44. GENTU'ASNA, En Gannim, Jenin, 11 S.E. of Megiddo. 

" The Gardens of Asnah " (a man's name ; Ezra ii. 50). 

45. RETA-'AREKA, 'Arrakeh, 6 W. of 'Jenin. 

46. A'AYNA, Anin, 3 N.W. ofArrakeh. 

47. A'AAG, 'Atfeh, 7 S. of Arrakeh. 

48. RUSH'QEDESH, "The holy hill" = any hill sanctuary; 

possibly Kudeis on hill of Shechem. 

49. GELIYMNA,/*/0*tA, 9E.S.E. ofMe^iddo. 

50. BAR, Bireh* 13 E.N.E. ofjelameh. 

51. SHEMASH-ATUMA, Shemsin, 6 N. of Sire Ji. 

52. ANUKHERTU, Anaharath, m Naurah, 9 S.W. 

53. 'AFEL, elFuleh, 5 W. of ^ Naurah. 

54. 'AFEL, el'AJvleh, i W. of el Fuleh, 7 E. of Megiddo. 

55. KHASHBU, Khasabu cun,, el Kusdb, 5 W. of Megiddo. 

56. TASURET, Tusulticun., Taasur, now 7V^/r, n N.E, of 


57. NEGEBU, "a pass" in the hills, Wady Beidan* ? N. of 


58. ASHU'SHEKHEN, "Plain of Shekhem."* Ashedah, the 

plain below hills, or place of streaming out, woukLbe a 
root familiar to Egyptians as Ash, effusion, and there- 
fore shortened to Ashu. 

59. LENAMA, en Nahm, 13 N. of Shechem. 

60. YERZA, Yersteh, 11 N.E. of Shechem. 

This group, 28-61, begins by crossing the Jordan 
into Bashan, 28-30 ; .thence striking N.W. round the 
head of the Jordan, 31 ; from 32 a branch expedition 
goes down the east of Jordan to Pella, while the main 
line goes south through Samaria to 40, and returns to 
Meg-iddo (41-42)^ Another expedition from Megiddo 
goes out east to 43, and back by a south circuit, 44, 45, 
46. Then another expedition goes south to 47, and 
perhaps even to Shechem, 48 ; then up north to 49 and 
on to 50, returning by 52, 53, 54 to Megiddo. Khashbu 
(55) seems to be an isolated foray. Then another 



expedition strikes out to Shechem and the eastern 
region, 56-60. The manner in which the line of these 
names recurs to the Megiddo region shows that though 
that city is not named (having appeared before), it was 
the garrison centre of these several raids, the records 
of which are strung together to form the list. Leaving 
Megiddo, the next itinerary is southward. 

$i. MAAKHASA, el Maghazun, 14 N.E. of Joppa. 

62. YEFU, Yafa, Joppa. 

63. GENTU, " gardens "of Joppa. 

64. RUTHEN, LUTHEN, has been proposed at Ludd, n S.E. 

of Joppa. 

65. AUANAU, Aunu, Heb. Ana, 7 E.S.E. of Joppa. 

66. AFUQEN, PeqiAin, between Yabneh and Ludd, Talmud. 

67. SAUQA, "thorny place," a common name, 

68. YEHEMA. There were mentioned probably two, and 

there now are three places of this name ; as it is a very 
important key position, it must be cleared up. It 
occurs here between Joppa and Migdol ; but in the 
Tahutmes III. campaign (p. 104) it is certainly near 
Megiddo, and just at the required place on the road is 
the name Yemma, 17 S.S.W. of Megiddo, before enter- 
ing the hills. Therefore we can equate . . YEHEMA 
= Yemma, 17 S.S.W. of Megiddo, and Yemma, 6 S.S.W. 
of Tiberias = Jabneel ; . . Jabneel, Jamnia, or Ye&na& 9 * 
13 S. of Joppa = YEHEMA. 

These equivalents prove that Yehema has changed 
into Yemma, Yebma, Yebna, Yamnia, and Yabniel. 
And the position of Jamnia is exactly in the right place 
to agree with the list, 

69. KHABAZANA, a compound name by its length, Butani* 

8S. of Jamnia. 

70. GENTHU, gardens," by Migdal. 

71. MAGTAL, Migdal, Mejdel, 13 N.N.E. of Gaza. 

72. AFTHEN, Fatuneh, 15 N.E. of Migdal. 

73. SHEBTUNA, Shebtin, 9 E. of Ludd. % 

74. TAY, Atya* ? 19 E.N.E. of Shebtin. 

75. NAUN, Naaneh, 7 E. of Jamnia. 

76. HUDITA, Haditheh, 3 E. of Ludd. 

77. HAR, "a hill." 

78. YESHEFAR, es Suajir, 7 E.N.E. of Migdal, Shaphir, 


79. LEGAZA, "unto Gaza."* The position next to Gerar 

shows the name to be about this region, and Gaza is 
properly written in this manner. The particle le t 
"unto, "has been accidentally retained in transcribing 
from the bulletin, or from a road list, like the Antonine 
itinerary prefix of Ad. 

80. GERURU, Gerar, Jerrar, 6 S. of Gaza. 

Si. HARAR, Abu Hareireh* 7 S. of Gerar, up large valley. 

In these groups, 61-81, we have the circuits about 
Migdal, like the previous expeditions around Megiddo. 
First is the line down from Megiddo to Migdal, 61-71. 
Then an expedition north-east into Dan, or perhaps 
Ephraim, returning by nearly the same line, 72-78. It 
must be remembered that often an isolated site of small 
importance may occur (such as Atya, 74) far ahead of an 
expedition, when a body of the enemy were chased and 
at last caught in some small village, the action and the 
capture of which gave it a place in the annals. The 
record of Chalgrove and Quatre Bras has no relation to 
their size. Objection has been made to 78 being es 
Suafir, on the ground that it would be more closely 
rendered Yusef-El, a place of the god Yusef. If so, it 
has been proposed that it be Yasuf> 23 N. of Jerusalem, 
and in that case the itinerary ends out in Ephraim 
without a return line to Migdal. The next itinerary, 
79-81, is, however, from Migdal, through Gaza to 
Gerar, and on up the important Wady esh Sheriah to 
Hareireh, 81. 

82. REBBAU, Rabbah, Rubba, 23 E. of Migdal. 

83. NUMANA, Deir Naman, 9 N.W. of Rubba, 12 E. of 


84. NAMANA, Arak Naman, i N. of Deir Naman. 

85. MALEMAM, Urn m el Hemam, i S. of Deir Naman. 

86. 'ANI, 'Ana, 3 N. of Arak Naman. 
REHEBU, erRohban* 5 E.N.E. of Ana. 
~ ti, 4 E. 

AQAR, Agir, Ekron, 4 E. of Jamnia. 

89. HAYGERYM, 'Am el ffejeri, 4 S. W. of Hebron. 

90. AUBAL, " a meadow." 

91. AUTAR-A'A, Autar the Great, Adoraim, Adora, Dura, 

W.S.W. of Hebron. 

92. AUBAL, "a meadow," 


93. GENTHAU, "gardens." 

94. MAQEREFUT, Maqor (Heb.), Majur, "reservoir," of 

Rafatf 10 S.S.W. of Hebron. (Majur appears in this 
district 5 W.S.W. of Hebron.) 

95. A'AYNA, " a spring." 

96. QAREMAN, Carmel, Kurmul* 7 S. of Hebron. 

97. BATYA, supposed to be Beth Yah. Hebron * is in the 

right position in the series, and an altar of Yahveh was 
there in early times : so Batya may be Hebron. 

98. TAFUN, Taphon, Tuffuh, 5 W.N.W. of Hebron. 

99. AUBIL, "a meadow." 

100. YERUTA,/?Kfctf,* 4 E.N.E. of Hebron (for Y changing 

to J, see Yotapata = Jefat). 

101. HALKAL, Halhul* 2 N. of Hebron. 

These two itineraries may well belong to the expedi- 
tion which we last saw coming 1 round from Migdal up 
the Wady esh Sheriah eastward ; a party on such a 
line might well divide, and while, one half pushed 
through by Rabbah to Ekron, 82-88, the rest might 
scour the hill country ridge in the sites 89-101. 

102. Y'AQEBAAL, Ikbala? 6 W. of Jerusalem. ' 

103. QAFUTA, Kefrata*? 3 E.N.E. of Gezer. 

104. QAZIRU, Gezer, y<?#r, 16 S.E. of Joppa. 

105. REBBATU, " a chief city." 

106-7. MAQELTU A'AMQU, Wady el Miktely* 7 E. of 

108. SARUTA, Sim,* E. side of Wady el Miktely. 

109. BAARUTU, Beeroth, Bireh* 10 E. of Sim. 

no. BAT'SHAR, Beth-sura, Beit Sur* 4 N. of Hebron. 

in. BAT-ANTA, Beth-anoth, Beit Ainun, 3 N.N.E. of 

U2. KHALQETU, Kilkis* 2 S.S.W. of Hebron. 

113. 'AN-QENA, 'AinelQana, i N.W. of Hebron. 

114. QEB'AU, Jibia, 16 N.N.W. of Jerusalem (or Jeb&* 7 

N.N.W. ofShechem). 

115. ZERER, Jerir* 13 N.N.E. of Jerusalem (or Jerrar* 8 

S.S.W, ofMegiddo. 

116. ZAFTA, Suffah* I N.W. of Jibia (<* Zebdah* 4 S. of 


117. BERQENA, Berukin* 6 N.W. of Jibia- (or Burkin, 9 

BERQENA, Berukin* 6 N.W. of 

S.S. E, of Megiddo). 
HUMA, ffamid*? 4 N.E. of Gimzo. 

1 1 8. 

119. AGTAMES . . or AGMES . . Gimzo, Jimxtu*? 15 S.E. 

of Joppa. 



FIG. 164. -Map of Northern Syria. 


These three lists may perhaps be only two, the 
section 110-113 having been inserted in the middle; 
for Jibia, 114, is only 7 miles N.N.W. of Bireh, 109. 
Hence there may be one line from near Jerusalem 
going" west to Gezer, then turning back and going 
north to Bireh, 109 ; Jibia, 1 14 ; and on to Berukin, 
117, whence it turns back to Jimzu, 119, on the return 
to the centre at Migdal. If this be so, the Zafta, 116, 
cannot be the Zefta of the annals, which was near 
Megiddo ; or, if the latter be adopted, some of the other 
names, 114-117, may be reasonably grouped in the 
same region, as entered above in parentheses. The 
group of four names, 110-113, is well established by 
the close relation of these places. This section has 
probably been transposed with 102-109 J as > if reversed, 
the Hebron group continues naturally from 101, Halhul, 
to no, Beit Sur close by ; while 109 joins to 114, as we 
have noticed. 

The general scheme of the original documents which 
were drawn upon to form this long list, appears to 
have been as follows : 

2 to 12. From Megiddo northward about Galilee. 
13 to 19. Damascus-Bey rut road inserted at the most northern 


20 to 27. Return route from 12 south to Megiddo. 
28 to 42. Across Jordan and back round the north to Megiddo. 
43 to 46. From Megiddo to east and south, and back to 

47 to 54. From Megiddo to south and east, and back to 


56 to 60. From Megiddo round Shechem region. 
61 to 71. From Megiddo to Migdal. 

72 to 78. From Migdal to north-east, and back to Migdal. 
79 to 81. From Migdal to south and east into hills. 
82 to 88. Part of army from hills across to Ekron. 
89 to 101, 110-113. R est of army around the Hebron ridge. 
102 to 109, 114-119. Up to Jerusalem region, working west, 

then north and east, and ba&c to coast region, 

return to Migdal (?). 

Such seems to be the structure of these lists when 
examined in the obvious light of their being edited 
from a series of military reports. Their relative order 


may not necessarily be the order in the history ; but it 
would be very reasonable to take it as such, knowing 1 
that Megiddo was the first centre of operations, and 
seeing that Migdal, on the road to Egypt, might 
well be the centre of later operations in the south 

The lists of places in Northern Syria are far less 
certain, as our knowledge of the country is so poor. 
Some connections may be traced with more or less 
probability, and they are indicated by the map, though 
tliey scarcely need to be here discussed. 



FOR the obscure period of the rise of the Egyptian 
power against the Hyksos oppression, we have but 
little material to guide us. Few names remain, and 
the order and relationship of those is very uncertain. 
Two tombs at Thebes of officials (sedem ash em ast 
maat) attached to the service of the royal tombs, 
provide the best information we have ; though, as the 
rows of figures of kings and princes whom they adored 
is not professedly in chronological order, and as they 
lived four or five centuries after those kings, the 
material is not satisfactory. We may first notice the 
structure of these tomb lists. Both tombs have an 
upper and a lower row of seated figures, each one with 
a cartouche, adored by the official. Anhur'khau 
(L.D. iii. 2d), in the upper line, records Amenhotep I. ; 
behind that king is his father and father's mother 
(Aahmes and Aah'hotep) ; and then his brothers and 
sisters (Meryt'amen, Sat 'amen, Sa*amen, Kames, 
Hent'ta'meh, all known as such), Turs and Aahmes, 
probably also sisters, and Sa'pa'iri, his brother. In 
the lower line are the founders of dynasties, Nefertari 
of the XVIIIth, Ramessu I. of the XlXth, Mentuhotep 
III. of the legitimate part of the Xlth dynasty; then 
Amenhotep I., Seqenenra, Uazmes, Ramessu IV. (the 
reigning king) (blank), and Tahutmes II. Thus the 
order has no obvious meaning in the latter part. In 
the other tomb, Kha-bekht (L. D, iii. 2 a) records in the 
upper line Amenhotep L, next his mother (Nefertari), 
and then, presumably, her father and mother (Seqenenra 


and Aah'hotep), after whom come a row of Amen- 
hotep's brothers and sisters. In the lower line come 
the two founders, Mentuhotep III. and Aahmes ; next, 
Se*khent*neb'ra and Uaz'kheperra ; and then a line of 
princes and royal wives, who are probably the brothers 
and sisters of those who precede them. 

Such a general structure of these lists is closely in 
accord with that of the lists on family tablets ; first the 
parents, then grandparents and ancestors, and then a 
row of brothers and sisters or children. Not a single 
known fact of relationships in this dynasty disagrees 
with this presumed system here ; and therefore, in 
some cases where we know nothing about the relation 
of the persons named, we may accept this scheme as a 
probable clue. The results indicated to us by this view 
of the lists are (*feminine) : 



Se'qenetiYa g>/ Uaz*kheper*ra Amenhotep I. 

* Aah'hotep. c -j S'khehf neb'ra *Meryf amen 

52 [Aalrmes *Safamen 
Bin'pu Sa'amen 

Uaz'mes *Ka'mes 
Ra'mes (or Sat'ka'nviS) 

Keirniraru *Hent'ta'meh 

Aah'mes *Turs 

*Ka'mes *Aahmes 
*Safiri*bau Sa'pa'iri 

*Ta-khredqa *Ta'iri 

(mother, Kasmut) 

(Note. .The childreh of Aahmes often compound " Aahmes " 
in their names.) 

In only one point do these conclusions vary from 
these already staged by Professor Maspero, in his elabo- 
rate study of the mummies of Deir el Bahri. On the 
strength of the name of Sat'kames, the daughter of 
Aahmes and Nefertari, he supposes that Kames was 
probably her grandfather, and therefore father of 
Nefertari; whereas here, on the strength of the 


position of Seqenenra and Aah'hotep next after 
Nefertari, it would seem likely that they were her 
father and mother. 

From the stele of lufi (Rec. ix. 92) it is certain that 
Aah'hotep was mother of Aahmes L, and hence 
Aahmes and Nefertari were of the same mother. But 
yet we cannot suppose them to have had both parents 
alike ; Aahmes is always (except once) shown of the 
same colour as other Egyptians, while Nefertari is 
almost always coloured black. And any symbolic 
reason invented to account for such colouring applies 
equally to her brother, who is nevertheless not black. 
As Nefertari was specially venerated as the ancestress 
of the dynasty, we must suppose that she was in the 
unbroken female line of descent, in which the royal 
succession appears to have been reckoned, and hence 
her black colour is the more likely to have come 
through her father. The only conclusion, if these 
points should be established, is that the queen 
Aah'hotep had two husbands : the one black (the 
father of Nefertari), namely, the celebrated Seqenenra, 
who was of Berber type (Ms. M. 528) ; the other an 
Egyptian, the father of Aahmes and his elder brothers, 
Kames and Skhentnebra, which explains why those 
three kings are separated from the other children 
of Aah'hotep by her husband Seqenenra, and placed 
in a different line in the tomb of Khabekht. 

Now Aahmes was rather over fifty when he died 
(Ms. M. 535), and he reigned 25 years ; hence he was 
about 25 to 30 years old when he came to the throne. 
As there is but little memorial of the reigns of , his 
presumed brothers (see above), Uaz'kheper'ra and 
S'khent'neb'ra, they are not likely to have reigned for 
30 years between the death of Seqenenra and accession 
of Aahmes. Hence it is probable that her Egyptian 
husband, the father of Aahmes, preceded her black 
husband, Seqenenra, the father of Nefertari. Two 
other reasons appear for Nefertari being the daughter 
of Seqenenra, and not of his son Kames: (i) as 
Seqenenra died at about 40, and Kames probably 


reigned but a short time, his daughter would be rather 
too young to be the great queen of his brother, 
Aahmes I. ; (2) as Nefertari's daughter was named 
Aah'hotep, it is more likely that her mother was 
Aahhotep and not her grandmother, as names were 
repeated usually in alternate generations in Egypt. 

It is needful to enter thus fully on this family history 
if we are to obtain any results ; but for the less 
important members of the family we merely notice 
the occurrence of their names, and refer to the discus- 
sion by Maspero (Ms. M. 615-639) as the best state- 
ment known about them. When in the preceding 
details we have ventured to vary slightly from that 
memoir, it is not with any dogmatic assurance, but only 
to show the possibility of an alternative view which 
may be preferable in a doubtful detail. 



As we have frequently referred to this deposit of 
mummies, we here give an outline of its history. 

The tombs of kings as well as private persons were 
continually liable to be plundered by unscrupulous 
thieves ; what we now find are but the last leavings 
of a hundred generations of incessant pillage. Such 
robbery began even during the life of the workmen who 
had been employed upon the construction ; and though 
royal tombs were cared for by priests and officials, yet 
they were not secure from attack. In the i6th year of 
Ramessu X., a special commission investigated the 
state of the tombs, owing to various reports being 
spread as to their violation. They found, however, 
only one tomb opened, out of ten between the Xlth and 
XVIIIth dynasties ; but two others had been attacked, 
though unsuccessfully. The disorders of the close of 
the Ramesside period made the question more pressing ; 
the officials, despairing of the safety of so many 
scattered and out-of-the-way tombs, gave orders to 
bring some of the royal mummies into the great tomb 
of Sety I. for safety (Ms. M. 551, 557, 560). This 
must have been done by the tunnel at the back of 
the tomb, now choked up, as the proper entrance was 
intact when opened by Belzoni. Hence this tunnel 
must lead through the cliff to the Deir el Bahri. The 
successive renewals and removals took place as follows, 
according to the endorsement of the scribes upon the 
mummies and the coffins : 

Pasebkhanu I. 

6th year, Paophi 7. Herhor renewed wrapping of Sety I. 

6th Phamenoth 15. Herhor renewed wrapping- of Ram- 
essu II. 



13th year, 

1 7th year, 

6th year, 







i6th ,, 


7th year, 
loth ,, 

I. (or Sa'amen) 
Pauni 27. 


Phamenoth 6. 

Phamenoth 7. 
Pharmuthi 7. 
Khoiak 8. 
Phamenoth 29. 
Phamenoth 29. 
Pharmuthi u. 
Pharmuthi 13. 
Pharmuthi 17. 
Khoiak 13. 

Mekhir 9. 
Pharmuthi 20. 

loth ,, Pharmuthi 20. 

Painezem I. restored mummy of 
Ramessu III. 

Painezem I. removed Ramessu II. 
and renewed his wrapping in the 
tomb ofSety 7. 

Painezem I. restored mummy of 

Tahutmes II. 
Painezem I. renewed wrapping of 

Amenhotep I. 
Painezem I. moved mummy of Sat' 

Painezem I. moved mummy of prince 

Painezem I. moved mummy of 

Aahmes I. 

Masahart renewed wrapping of Amen- 
hotep I. 
Sety I. taken from his tomb to the 

tomb of Anhapu. 
Ramessu II. taken from tomb of Sety 

/. to tomb of Anhapu. 
Ramessu I. taken from tomb of Sety /. 

to tomb of Anhapu. 

Menkheperra re-wrapped Sety I. 
Sety I. moved into tomb of Amen- 

hotep I. 
Ramessu II. moved into tomb of 

Amenhotep I. 

Sa'amen is here treated as not being the same as 
Herhor ; the names of the officials sufficiently prove 
this ; and we see it also in Ramessu II. being in Sety's 
tomb under Painezem I., while he was removed from 
that place under Sa'amen. 

For the discussion of the XXIst dynasty, and the 
assignment of the dates in the above reigns, see S.B.A. 
xviii. 56-64. 

We see hfcre how the bodies were shifted into 
Sety's tomb ; then again to the tomb of Anhapu ; 
yet again to the tomb of Amenhotep L ; and 
lastly, though unrecorded, they, were all carried into 
the burial-place of the priest -kings of the XXIst 



dynasty/ There they remained until, about twenty 
years or more ago, the Arab dealers found the tomb, and 
gradually drew out one object after another for sale. 
By the arrest of the sellers in 1881 their secret was by 
threats and they say force as well wrung from one 
of them, and the confused mass of a dozen kings and 
queens of the XVIIIth-XIXth dynasties, many royal 
children, and a large part of the family of the XXIst 
dynasty, together with such portions of the funeral 
furniture of the various persons as had survived the 
many removals of the bodies, was all brought to the 
museum at Cairo. The list of personages is as follows, 
with the pages where the remains are described in 
Maspero's " Momies Royales de Deir el Bahari" 
(M.A.F. i. 4). 

XVII. 7? Seqenen-ra III., 

Raa, nurse of 

queen Nefertari 
An hap u, queen 

XVIII. i. Aahmes I. 

XVIII. 2. Amenhotep I. 

Sa'amen, infant 
Sat 'amen, infant 

Seniu, keeper of 

mummy and coffin 


mummy and coffin 
mummy and coffin 
mummy and coffin 
mummy and coffin 
false mummy and 

coffin, re-used 

(Priestess of 

Amen, XX. dyn. 

dau. of Tent- 

Mes'hent'temehu, false 

mummy and re-used 

coffin, re-used 


mummy and coffin 

Aah'hotep II. 

XVIII. 3. Tahutmes I. 

XVIII. 4. Tahutmes II. 
XVIII. 6. Tahutmes ILL 
Poisoned prince 




mummy and coffin 
mummy and coffin 
mummy and coffin 


p. PI. 

526 iii. 


533 v.a 

535 y.a 

536 iv. b 




545 v * b 

581 vii, viii. b 

54S vii. viila 

548 ix. 





Ramessu I. 

mummy and 


55 * 



Sety I. 

mummy and 



xi. a, xiii. 



Ramessu II. 

mummy and 



xi. b, xiv. 




Ramessu III. 

mummy and 








Ramessu XII. (?) 






Nezemt, queen 

mummy and 

2 coffins 


xix. a 



Painezem I. 






mummy and 



vi. b 



Painezem II. 

mummy and 


57 * 


mummy and 

2 coffins 




mummy and 



xviii. b 


mummy and 

2 coffins 


xx. a 

Makara and 

2 mummies 

and i 


xix. b 




mummy and 

2 coffins 


vi. c 

Hatet, altered 

2 coffins 


for next 


mummy and 

2 coffins 



mummy and 

2 coffins 




mummy and 

a coffins 


xx. b 



I owe the following- notes about the tombs at Thebes, etc., to 
Mr. Percy Newberry, who has seen the proof-sheets of this 

Page 39, line 3. Huy tomb at Drah abul Negga. 
,, 41, ,, 28. Bak was a son of a keeper of cattle of Nefertari. 

Tomb, Qurneh. 
,, 44, base. Cone of Tahuti, priest of Aahmes (M.A.F. 

viii. 15). 
,, 68, officials. JBak, chief steward, cone (M.A.F. viii. 15). 

priests. Mut y priestess, in tomb of Ka'em'her'ab'sen, 

Neferhotep(^B.m. II.). Tomb of Khonsu, Qurneh. 

,, 69, line 10. And in a tomb at Hieraconpolis (B.E. 243). 

,, 78, ,, 13. Sen'men was an official of princess Nefenrra, 

named in Senmut's tomb (M.A.F. viii. 16). 
,, 90, ,, 19. Base of black granite statue of Senmut found at 

Deir el Bahri (N.D.B. i. 19). 
,, 90, ,, 23. A third glass bead was bought at Luxor (New- 

95> !5 At Qurneh are tombs of Hapusenb, 3rd kherheb 

of Amen, of Anna, and o* x, an overseer of 

works of great obelisks. 
,, 164, ,, 21. Amenken's wife was royal nurse. 

Tombs at Qurneh of Neb'en'kemt, palace 

keeper ; Tahuti'nefer, treasurer ; Amenemapt, 

vizier ; Mery, high priest of Amen. 


Page 164, line 30. Mentuhotep, kherheb under Ram. II. Tomb of 

Khonsu, Qurneh. 
,, 172, ,, 12. Ry> chief of engravers. Tomb, Qurneh. 

Sebekhotep, chief of Fayum. Tomb, Qurneh. 
Ta, keeper of cattle, Ram. II. Tomb, Khonsu, 

,, 173, base. Meryt, nurse of royal children. TombofSebek- 

hotep, Qurneh. 

,, 198. A menemapty keeper of palace. Tomb. Qurneh. 

,, 200. Nebamen. Tomb, Qurneh. 

229. x, overseer of workmen, Tomb, Assassif. 


Names of persons and places in Syria ivhich only occur on the 
cuneiform correspondence^ -will be found separately indexed on 
pp. 308-311. 

The references here in thick type show the beginning of the principal 
account of each royal person. 

AA, 39. 

Aah-hotep I., i, 2, 3, 5, 6, 7, 9. 

Aah'hotep II., i, 3, 34, 42, 43, 

46, 52, 54 333 334, 339- 
Aahmes, K., i, 2, 3,^7, 9, 13, 

20, 25-29, 34, 333, 334. 
Aahmes, monuments, 34. 

mummy, 37, 338, 339. 
,, worshipped, 38. 
,, family, 41. 
Aahmes, Q., i, 46, 54, 59, 69, 

5 333- 

Aahmes, Q., portraits of, 70. 
Aahmes, princess, 5, 6, 333, 

Aahmes, general, 21, 30, 34, 35, 


Aahmes, official, A, 198. 
, B, 225. 

Aa'kheper'ka, 68. 
Aa'kheper*ka*senb, 68. 
Aamathu, 140. 
Aanen, 198. 
Aaruna, 105, 106. 
Aata, Hyksos, 23, 35. 

Abeha, 180. 

Abhat, 181. 

Akenkhres, 25-29. 

Akhenaten (see AmenhotepIV.), 

25-2^, 205. 

,, portraits, 208, 209, 
213, 217, 224, 230. 

chang-e of type, 211. 

conversion, 211. 

hymn to Aten, 215. 

length of reign, 219. 

monuments, 220. 

tomb, 220. 

ushabti, 222. 

in early style, 224. 

family, 229. 

in cuneiform, 308. 
Akhenuthek, 181. 
Akherres, ^5-29. 
Akina, 181. 
Alisphragrnouthosis, 20, 25- 


Amen proscribed, 212. 
,, reinstated, 236. 
Amerrem ant, 127, 141. 




Amen'envapt, A, princess, 165. 

B, 39. 

C, 341. 

D, 198. 

E, 225, 308. 

Amen 'em 'hat, officials, 45, 68, 

101, 141, 163, 198. 
Amen -em 'neb, 45, 123, 141, 163. 
Amen'envka, 141. 
Amen'envmeruf, 141. 
Amenhotep I., i, 3, 10, 25-30, 
34, 38, 42, 43, 
54 55> 333) 

festivals, 32. 

,, monuments, 45, 50. 

head of, 47. 

, , history of, 46. 

mummy, 50, 338- 

Amenhotep II., 25-29, 32, 54, 

55 S^, ?8, loo. 
,, monuments, 152, 

I5 ?' , 
youth of, 153. 

,, and nurse, 154. 

,, portrait of, 156. 

,, statue of, 1 60. 

,, scarabs of, 162. 

Amenhotep III., 25-29, 56, 57. 
monuments, 174, 

I8 7". , 
portraits of, 177, 

,, and his ka y as 

children, 178. 
,, dated events of, 


,, lion hunting, 180. 

marriages, 181-3. 

,, length of reign, 

1 86, 208. 
,, associates his son, 

186. * 

,, tomb, 187. 

,, funeral temple of, 


,, adored, 202. 

,, " family) 202. 
in cuneiform, 308. 

Amenhotep IV. (see Akhen- 
aten), 25-29, 177, 
,, marriage of, 18?, 

186, 207. 

,, associated, 186, 

187, 208, 210. 

,, dates of, 207, 210. 

,, portraits of, 208, 

209, 213, 217, 

224, 230. 

,, upholds the Aten, 


,, in cuneiform, 308. 

Amenhotep, officials, 44, 46, 68, 

69, 171, 173, 188, 197, 198, 

223, 308. 
Amenhotep, son of Hepu, 192, 


Amen'ken, 163, 341. 
Amen 'niery, 308. 
Amen'mes, prince, 46, 52, 53. 
Amen -mes, \ officials, 46, 141, 


Amen'nekht, 198. 
Amen'nekhtu, 46. 
Amenofis, 25-29. 
Amenofthis, 25-29. 
Amen 'user, 141. 
Amersis, 25-29. 
Amesses, 25-29. 
Amorites, 229. 
Amos, 25-29. - 

Amu, invasion by, 19. 

captured, 123, 124. 
Amukehak, 47, 48. 
Amunzeh, 141, 199. 
An, nurse of Hatshepsut, 95. 
Anaugasa, 102, no, 117, 120. 
Anay, 38. 

Ancestors, chamber of, 130. 
Anebni, 78, 95. 
Anhapi, 35, 43, 338-9. 
Anhur, 164. 

Anhurkhaui, 39, 42, 46, 333. 
Anhur'mes, 199. 
Aniy, 225. 
Ankhefenamen, 46. 
Ankhsenamen, > 207, 232, 
Ankhs *en 'pa 'aten, > 235. 



Anna, 78, 341. 

Anrathu, 114. 

Antef, 141. 

Antoninus, 131. 

Anui, 226. 

Anukhenti, 35, 47, 62, 73, 157. 

Apepa II., 17. 

,, tale of, 17. 
Apis tombs, 189, 245, 252. 
Apiy, 226. 
Apthentha, 181. 
Apuy, 226. 
Arat, 170, 174. 
Arem, 118. 
Arerpaq, 181. 
Armais, 26-29, 250. 
Armour, suit of, 122. 
Aroana, 119. 
Arqahtu, 122. 
Arseth, 155. 
Art of Akhenaten, 219. 

,, changed by Syria, 150. 
Artist from Syria, 109. 
,, sculpturing-, 171. 
,, painting, 204. 
Arurekh, 120. 

Arvad, 101, 102, 113, 114, 310. 
Asi (Cyprus), 102, 118, 120,121. 
Assassif, 131. 
Assuru tribute, 112, 181. 
Ast, 39. 

queen, 72. 

,, princess, 177, 203. 
Aten worship, 184, 211-218, 251. 

,, upheld by Amenhotep IV., 

,, cartouches, 212. 

hymn, 215. 

,, duration, 236, 
Aten 'neferu boat, 184, 211. 
Aten'nefer'neferu, 210, 230. 
Ater'tnaiu, 181. 
Aty, queen of Punt, 83. 
Aururek, 181. 
Auta, 204, 226. 
Auy, 341. 
Avaris, 21, 22, 35. 
Axe of Aah'hotep, u. 

,, of Kames, 14. 
Ay, 25-29, 226, 233, 240. 

Ayhatab, 181. 
Azenunian, 181. 

Bak, 226, 341, 341. 
Bakenkhonsu, 199. 
Bakta, 142. 

Baktaten, 177, 203, 227. 
Battle of Megiddo, 107. 
Beba'ankh, dagger of, 16. 
Berber type of Seqenenra, 4, 

Betehamen, 39. 

Binpu, 7, 13, 334. 

Birth-ring of Tahutmes III., 100. 

Birth-scarab of Amenhotep II., 

Birth-scarab of Amenhotep III., 

T 95- 

Boat, golden, of Kames, 12. 
Bows from Syria, 119. 
Bull's head vase, 121, 

CAMPAIGNS, records of, 320, 331. 
Canal of Aswan, 67, 135. 
Canon of proportion, 138. 
Captives (see Syrians), 22, 23. 
Carmel, 101, 104. 
Carnelian, artificially whitened, 

Chair from Syria, in. 

,, of Hatshepsut, 92. 
Chariot from Syria, 1 10. 

,, of Kha'envhat, 179. 
Chester, Mr. Greville, 92. 
Chief of Tunep and artist, 109. 
Chiefs "smelling the ground," 

Chronology, 3, 25-33, 52-56, 

60, 61, 1 86, 208, 219, 246. 
Coffin of Seqenenra III., 8. 
Aah'hotep L, 12. 
Aahmes, 37. 
Nefertari, 40. 
Amenhotep I., 49. 
Tahutmes I., 64. 
Tahutmes II., 76. 
Colonnade ofTahutmes III,, 129. 
Amenhotep III., 


Colossi of Thebes, 192. 
Constantinople obelisk, 132. 
Corn imported into Egypt, 112, 

115, 117-123, 149. 
Coronation edict, 60. 
Cows, sacred, 90, 91. 
Cuneiform correspondence, 259- 

Cups from Syria, 1 14. 

Dagger of Aahhotep, u. 

Kames, 14. 
Death mask of Akhenaten, 

Decline of Egypt in Syria, 259- 


Deer's head of gold, 120. 
Deir el Bahri, mummy pit, 7, 


,, temple sculp- 

tures, 82, 84, 

Dishes from Syria, in, 112. 

Draughtmen of Hatshepsut, 93. 

Duaheh, 95. 

Dudua, 39. 

Dushratta, 181, 187,309. 

Duy, 168. 

ECONOMIC state of Egypt, 149. 
Education of Syrians in Egypt, 

114, 185. 

Egyptian taste changed, 150. 
Egyptian type of face, 148. 
Egypto-Syrian type of face, 


Elephant from Syria, 124. 
Eshmunen, origin of XVIIIth 

dyn., 15. 

Ethics of Akhenaten, 218. 
Ethiopian origin of XVI Ith 

dyn., 4, 17. 
monuments, 68. 
,, expeditiofi of Tahut- 
mes III., 103. 


Fenkhu (Phoenicians), 36, 37, 

7 101. 
Foliage on column, 219. 

Foundation deposits of Hat- 

shepsut, 94. 
Foundation deposits from Am, 

Foundation deposits of Amen- 

hotep II., 161. 

GAZA, 101, 104, 185, 311. 

Genbetu, 115. 

Gilukhipa, 177, 178, 181, 182, 


Glass of Tahutmes III., 139. 
Gureses, 181. 


Hanebu, 72, 253. 
Hanefer, 46. 
Hapi, 308. 
Hapusenb, 341. 
Harakhti, 210, 223. 
Har'nekaru (Ras Nakur^), no. 
Harosheth, 155. 
Hatet, 340. 
Hatshepset Merytra, 78, 99, 

Hatshepsut, 25-29, 32, 52, 61, 

7I ' 72 ' e ^ 
,, co-regency of, 66, 


monuments of, 79- 
portrait, 80. 
temple at Deir el 

Bahri, 81.- 
statues, etc., 91,92. 
chair of, 92. 
position in king- 

dom 95,96 
,, inscription hidden, 

130, 170. 

Hatuart (Avaris), 22, 35, 
Haworth, Mr., 92. 
Havt, 46. 
Hebykhetf, 199. 
Hek'erneheh, 165, 172. 
Hent'mer'heb, 177, 203. 
Henfta-meh, 35, 42, 43, 333-4, 


Hentta'mehu, 35, 42, 43, 339. 
Henfta*neb, 177, 203. 
Henftaui, 340. 



Henut'anu, 100, 145. 

Herhor, 39, 337. 

Herkhuf, 48. 

Hermopolitan origin of XVIIIth 

dyn., 15. 

Hersekheper, 227. 
Hery, 45. 

Hm, contents of vases, 51. 
Hor, 38, 199. 
Horames, 142, 173. 
Horemheb, K., 26-29, 131, 222, 

223, 232. 
,, monuments, 242, 

,, general and king, 

,, length of reign, 245, 


portraits, 245, 253. 

Horemheb, official, A, 56; B., 

142, 165, 171, 199. 
Hor'em*heb*pa*hor'ur, 256. 
Horos, 25-29, 236, 250. 
Hotep, 199, 308. 
Hotepbua, 39. 
Hotepra, 308. 
Hui, 235. 
Humai, 141. 

Huy, A, 39; B, 218, 221, 227. 
Huya, 203, 227. 

Hyksos, expulsion of, 16-24, 35- 
Hymn to Aten, 215. 

Imadua, 142. 
Isiemkheb, 140, 340. 
luf, 38. 
lufi, stele of, 10, 69, 335. 

JAR of wine, 112. 

Jewellery of Aah'hotep, 10-13. 

Joppa, 185, 311. 

Jug ot silver from Syria, 1 23. 

KA as a child, 178. 
Kaha, 46. 
Kahu, 199. 

Kallimmasin, 181, 309. 
Kames, K., i, 2, 3, 7, 9, 12, 13, 
20, 333 334- 

Kames, princess, 7, 13, 334. 

private, 10, 15. 
Kara! n dash, 181. 
Karduniyas, 311 

alliance with, 1 81. 
Kargui, 141 

Karikamasha, 124, 181. 
Kars, 46. 

Kary, 158, 168, 181. 
Kasa, 38. 

Kasmut, 35, 43, 334. 
Kedesh, 102, 103, 105, 114, 122, 

124, 125, 181, 311. ' 
Kedet, 227. 
Kedina, 181. 
Kefa, 181. 
Kefti, 1 1 8, 123, 157. 
Kenamen, 142. 
Kenaru, 7, 13, 334. 
Kepni, 118. 
Khabekht, tomb, 9, 13, 39, 42, 

46, 333- 
Khaemhat, head of, 199. 

, , head of servant of, 


,, chariot of, 179. 
Khaemuas, 142, 159, 164, 227, 


Khafra on Sphinx stele, 167. 
Khalubu, 124, 311. 
Kharu land, 105, in, 119, 227. 

,, official, 141. 
Khay, 200. 
Khebres, 25-29. 
Khebron, 25-29. 
Khebtneferu, 54. 

figure of, 71, 85. 

Khent 'hen 'iiefer, 22, 62, 73. 
Kherfu, 188, 200. 
Khita, 102, 116, 122, 168, 181, 

Khonsu, 142. 
Khonsuhotep, 256. 

King's son, title, 68. 
Kirgipa, 177, 178, 181, 182,203. 
Kom el Hettan, 192. 
Kurigalzu, 181. 

Kush, 47, 62, 73, 118, 119, 121- 
3 236. 


LIBYANS, 48, 229. 
Lion's head of gold, 120. 
Lotus flower group, 169, 

MAA, 144. 
Maat, 212. 
Mahler, 31. 
Mahu, A, 44 ; B, 227. 
Maitariaa, 181. 
Maiu, 181. 
Makara, Q., 340. 
Makautuash, 181. 
Maktaten, 207, 231. 
Manuareb, 181. 

Map of approach to Megiddo, 

, , Syria under Amenhotep 
IV., 320. 

,, North Syrian towns, 

Marriages of Egyptians and 

Syrians, 147, 181. 
Marseille altar, 16. 

,, forgeries at, 139. 
Masahart, 338, 340. 
Matnun, 181. 
Matur, 181. 
Mau'en'hequ, 141. 
May, people, 181 
May, official, 227. 
Meframouthosis, 25-29. 
Mefres, 25-29. 
Megiddo, 101, 105, 107. 
Mehpeni, 181. 
Men, 200, 202. 
Menaunu, 181. 
Menkh, 69. 
Men'kheper, 142. 
Men'kheperra, 200, 201. 
Men'kheperra'senb, 133, 141. 
Mennus, 157. 
Menofres, era of, 29, 33. 
Mentiu of Setet (Bedawin of hill 

country), 22, 35, 7$, 157. 
Mentuhotep II., 33. 
Mentuhotep III., 333, 334. 
Mentuhotep, official, 342. 
Merenptah, 26-29, S 2 * 
Meriptah, 197, 
Mermes, 200. 

Mernebptah, 257. 

Mertaten, 207, 221, 229, 231, 

iwr 233 ' 

Mery, 200, 341. 

Meryneit, 227. 

Meryt, 342. 

Meryfamen, 34, 38, 39, 42-44, 

333 334 339- 
Meryfptah, 100, 144. 
Meryfra, 54, 72, 78, 99, 143. 
Mesamen, 39.- 
Mifris, 25-29. 
Military oppression, 251. 
Min, official, 157. 
Mhvnekht, 239, 241. 
Misafris, 25-29. 
Misfraigmonthosis, 25-29. 
Mitanni, 181, 185, 311. 
Mummies, royal, 337-340. 
Music school, 222. 
Mut, 341. 
Mufem'hat, 340. 
Mufenvua, 173, 174, 192. 
Mufnefert, Q., 46, 59, 71, 198. 
bust of, 71. 

NAHARAINA, 62, 102, 105, 116, 
119, 122, 123, 124, 157, 158, 
167, 181. 

Names of places often per- 
verted, 321. 

Nanay, 227. 

Napata, 156. 

,, ram from, 194. 

Narkihab, 181. 

Nayu, 341. 

Nebamen, 142, 342. 

Nebankh, 170. 

Neb'en'kemt, 341. 

Nebmes, 39. 

Nebnefer, 39. 

Nebra, 39. 

Nebseny, 340. 

Nebsu, 38. 

Nebta, 46, 57. 

Nebfka'bani, 200, 203. 

Nebtu, Q., 99, 144. 

Nebua, '164. 

Neby, 142. 

Nefer'amen, 100, 145. 



Nefer-ay, 257. 
Nefefem'hotep, 173. 
Nefer'hat, 172. 
Neferhebt'f, 164. 
Nefefhotep, officials, 39, 68, 


Nefer'nefenraten, 207, 232. 
Nefer'neferu'ra, 207, 232. 
Nefer'pert, 36. 
Nefer'renpit, 144. 
Nefersekheru, 200. 
Nefertari, i, 3, 9, "34, 38, 40. 

black, 335. 
Nefertiti, 207, 229. 

-, origin of, 183, 209, 

,, portrait of, 182, 213, 

217, 230. 

Neferu'erhatf, 144. 
Nefenrkhebt, 54. 

figure of, 71. 

Nefenrra, 72, 78. 

bust of, 77. 
Negeba, 123. 
Negroes, 254. 

,, and Asiatics, 249. 
Nehi, 136, 142. 
Nekht, 39, 46. 
Nekht'pa'aten, 227. 
Nekhtu, 46. 
Neserna, 114. 
Nesikhonsu, 340. 
Nesi'ta'neb'asheru, 340. 
Neta, 69. 
Nezenvmut, 209, 232, 244, 250, 


Nezemt, 340. 

Niy, 63, 116, 123, 124, 126, 155. 
Nubian gods, 136, 159, 170. 
Nubians capture animals, 159. 

OASIS of Farafra, inscription, 

Obelisks of Hatshepsut, 85-87. 

of Tahutmes I., 67. 

,, of Tahutmes III., 127, 

,, makers of, 134. 
Oros, 25-29, 236. 
Oxen drawing sledge, 37. 

A, 38, 172. 
Pa*amen, 46. 
Pa'ari, 227, 308. 

Pafuenamen, 51. 

Paheri, tutor of Uazmes, 52. ;-. 

Painezem I., 64, 131, 338, 340"., 

Painezem II., 340. ' 

Pakha, 225. 

Pakhen, 77. 

Palette of Seqenenra, 6. 

Pa'nefu'emdu'amen, 39. 

Panehsi, A, 39 ; B, 200 ; C, 


Pa'nehyamen, 159. 
Panekht, 38. 
Pa'nekhu, 201. 
Pa*neter*hon, 200. 
Pa'rohu, king of Punt, 83. 
Pasar, A, 163 ; B, 200 ; C, 241. 
Pasebkhanu I., 337, 338. 
Pashed, 46. 
Paynamen, 50. 

Penaati, A, 50, 68, 77; B, 142. 
Penamen, 46. 
Penbua, 39. 
Penbui, 39, 256. 
Pendant of Tutankhamen, 237. 
Pennekheb, 30, 34, 35, 45, 47, 

62, 69, 73, 77. 
Pen*ta'en*abtu, 39. 
Pentaurt, 46, 
Penthu, 228. 
Pepy I., 33. 

Perversions of names, 321. 
Petahuha, 100, 144. 
Petau, 157. 
Petenra, 68. 
Petpui, 100, 144. 
Phoenicia, 101, 113. 
Phoenicians, 36, 37, 101, 157. 
Physiognomy changed in 

Egypt, 148. 
Piankhy, tyo. 
Piay, 172. 
Pillars, granite, of Tahutmes 

III., 130. 

Plunder of Syria, no. 
Police, 227. 
Priestess, head of, 151. 


. 181, 253. 
,, nouses of, 84. 
,, tribute of, 102, 117, 121. 

QEDESH (see Kedesh). 

Qen, 38, 39. 

Qina, 107. 

Queens transmitted royal rig-ht, 

183, 209. 
Quiver from Syria, 120. 

RA, A, 37 ; B, 142, 162, 163. 

Raa, 339. 

Raentuy, 257. 

Rahotep, 4, 308. 

Ram of Amenhotep III., 194. 

Ramery, A, 173 ; B, 228. 

Rames, son Seqenenra, 7, 13, 

Rames, officials, A, 201 ; B, 201, 

228; C, 210, 224, 228. 
Ramessu I., 26-29, 33, 333, 340. 
Ramessu II., 26-29, 32, 38, 337- 


Ramessu III., 338-340. 
Ramessu IV., 333. 
Ramessu XII., 131, 340. 
Ran, 142. 
Rany, 173. 
Rapeam, 257. 
Rathos, 25-29. 
Ratothis, 25-29. 
Rauserkheper, 257. 
Rekhmara, 133, 142. 
Relationships of XVIIth dyn., 

i 3 333- 

Remenen (Lebanon), f ii6, 120. 
Restoration after Hyksos war, 

Restorations of Medinet Habu, 

Rhind, labels from tomb, 139, 


Rhind, toilet box, 161. 
Ring of Aah'hotep, 9. 

,, Tahutmes III., 100. 

Tahutmes IV., 171. 

,, Amenhotep III., 195. 

,, Smenkh'ka'ra, 234. 

Mertaten, 234. 

,, Tutankhamen, 236, 238. 

,, Ankhsenaten, 237. 

,, Nezem'mut, 250. 

,, Silver from Syria, 117. 
Rock tablets of Tell el Amarna, 


Roy, A, 126; B, 342 ; C, 256. 

Rudua, 228. 

Ruten, 62, 101, 102, 112, 114, 

115, 118, 122, 133, 156, 157, 


SA-AMEN, 35, 42-44, 333, 334, 

o 338, 339- 

Sa'ast, A, 34 ; B, 201. 

Sakedenu, 142. 

Samanurika, 181. 

Samut, 20 1. 

Sangar, 102, 116, 123, 124, 181, 

o I95 '. 

Sa-pa'ir, 3, 34, 43, 44, 333, 334. 

Sat "amen, dau. Amenhotep I., 3, 
34> 38, 42, 43 333 
dau. Amenhotep III., 

o L S9t 77> 205^ 

Satharna, 181, 203. 

Sat'hora, 100, 145. 

Sat'ir-bau, 7, 13, 334. 

Satiu, 155, 311. 

Sat-kames, 34, 42, 43, 334, 338, 



Scarabs, figured of Aahmes, 36. 
,, AahotepIL, 

,, ,, Amenmes, 

n Nebta, 57. 

,, Tahutmes I,, 

" ,, NefeniYa, 




Scarabs, figured , of Hatshepsut, 

,, Tahutmes 

III., 114, 
140, 145. 

,, Amenhotep, 

II., 162. 

,, Tahutmes 

IV., 171. 

,, ,, Amenhotep, 

in., 195- 

,, Amenhotep 

IV., 210, 
' A ^ 

Ay, 242. 

,, Horemheb, 

Scarabs with double cartouches, 


School of music and dancing 1 , 


Scribes, group of, 228. 
Sebekhotep, officials, A, 68 ; B, 

Sebekmes, 201. 
Sebeknekht, A, 69 ; B, 201. 
Sed festivals, 31-33. 
Sekhentnebra, i, 2, 3, 7, 9, 16, 

Sekhefam, 157, 181. 
Sektu, 1 1 8. 
Semnefer, 69. 
Semneh, 35, 67, 136. 
Seniu, 339. 
Senekhtenra, 10. 
Senemaah, 46. 
Senmen, 38, 341. 
Senmut, 78, 88. 

statues, 89, 341. 
Sen'nefer, 142, 163. 
Sensenb, i, 46, 57. 

figure of, 58. 
Seqenenra I., 4, 5. 
Seqenenra II. , 4, 7. 
Seqenenra III., i, 2 

Serenyk, 181. 
Sesu, 258. 



4> 335- 

333, 334, 339* 

4, 7, 


Set, official, 142. 

Setet, 181. 

Sety I., 26-29, 38, Si J 3i 223, 


tomb of, 337. 
Shabaka, 169. 
Sharhana (Sharuhen), 22, 35, 


Shasu, 73, 121, 181. 
Shemeshatuma, 155. 
Sheshenq I., 190. 
Shields from Syria, 120. 
Shooting at a target, 166. 
Si, 144. 

Siege of Megiddo, 108. 
Simyra, 102, 114, 311. 
Sirius festivals, 31-33. 
Sitatama, 181. 
Sledges for drawing stone, 

Smenkh'ka'ra, 25-29, 219, 221, 

229, 231. 

,, monuments, 233. 

Smensheps, 172. 
Soldiers, figured, 85. 

oppression by, 251. 
Sons of chiefs taken to Egypt, 


Sotep'en'ra, 207, 232. 
Spear head of Kames, 14. 
Speos Artemidos, inscription, 

19, 81. 
Sphinx tablet of Tahutmes IV., 

1 66. 

Staff with human head, in. 
Stand for sacred bark, 138. 
Sunuga, 181. 
Suta, 228, 308. 
Sutekh, worship of, 17. 
Suten du hotep formula, 38, 40, 
95, 202, 218, 


, , offering made by 

king, 172. 
Sutharna, 181, 203. 
Suti, 228, 308. 
Sy/ia, Egyptian remains in, 

145, 157, 188. 

,, high civilisation of, 146* 
,, loss of, 259-319. 


Syrian influence on Egypt, 145- 
152, 181. 

marriages, 181. 
Syrians brought to Egypt, 22, 

23, 62, 109-125, 147, 185, 229. 

TA, 342. 
Ta-aa, 164. 
Taanaka, 105* 
Tables, inlaid, m. 
Tables of families, i , 3, 54. 
,, dynasties, 4, 25-29. 
Tadukhipa, 181, 183, 187, 207, 


Taharqa, 131. 
Tahennu, 48, 101, 157, 181. 
Tahured, 68. 
Tahuti, officials, A, 342 ; B, 68 ; 

C, 95 ; D, 142 ; E, 142. 
Tahuti'nefer, 341. 
Tahuti sena, 68. 
Tahutmes I., i, 25-30, 46, 54, 

55, 85. 

festival, 32. 

monuments, 59, 

6 5- . ^ 
,, coronation, 60. 

,, history, 61. 

head of, 63. 

mummy, 64, 339. 

officials of, 68. 

,, family, 69. 

Tahutmes II., 25-29, 54, 55, 61, 


. ,, monuments, 72. 

mummy, 74, 338, 


portrait, 75. 

,, head of coffin, 

Tahutmes III., 25-33, 50, 54, 55, 

56, 61, 72. 

festival, 32. 

descent of, 78. 

monuments, 97, 


family v 99, 143. 

,, dated events, 

annals, 103. 

Tahutmes III., portraits of, 102, 

i37t *3 S - 
,, obelisks of, 132, 

,, a great builder, 

. '3 6 - , r 
,, in cuneiform, 

,, list of towns, 


mummy, 339. 

Tahutmes IV., 25-29, 54, 56. 

monuments, 165. 
portrait of, 168. 
scarabs of fr 171. 
offering t6 

Osiris, 172. 
marriage, 181. 
in cuneiform, 

Tahutmes, son of Tahutmes IV., 

Tahutmes, son of Amenhotep 

III., 203. 
Tahutmes, officials, A, 45 ; B, 

142, 201 ; C, 201. 
Tair, 35, 43, 334. 
Takheta, 100, 144. 
Takhetaui, 100, 144. 
Takhisi, 124, 156. 
Takhredqa, 7, 13, 334. 
Tanai, 123. 
Ta'nezemt, 46. 

Tank of Amenhotep III., i&$ 
Tares, 181. 

Target, shooting at, 166. 
Tarobenika, 181. 
Tarosina, 181. 
Tartar, 181. 
Taui, 100, 144. 
Tayuhert, 340. 
Tell el Amarna, 205, 210, etc., 

221, 251. 
,, cuneiform tablets, 

_ ,_ 
Temahu, 48. 

Tenfhapi, 35, 43, 339. 
Teta'an, Hyksos, 23, 36. 
Tetamerenptah, 257. 
Tethmosis, 25-29. 



Thenau, 173. 
Thenfnub, 39. 
Thenuna, 164, 171. 
Thmosis, 25-29. 
Throw-stick of Thuau, 6. 
Thuau, son of Seqenenra T., 5, 


Thuna, 172. 
. Thuthu, 239, 242. 
Tita, 181. 
Tombs, inspection of, 5, 7, 15, 

48, 337-. 

Touthmosis, 25-29. 
Tugay, 144. 
Tunep, 101, 103, 109, 113, 122, 

181, 31 1. 
Turo, 67. 

Turrah quarry, 36, 37, 188. 
Turs, 35, 42, 333, 334. 
Tursu, 181. 
Tutankhamen, 25-29, 32, 222, 

223, 232. 
., monuments, 

,, portrait, 236. 

., inscription, 237. 

Tutu, 229, 308. 
Ty, 226, 242. 
,, portrait, 239, 240. 
Tyi, 176, 187, 192, 202, 209, 
portrait of, 182. 
origin of, 182. 
influence of, 183. 
reigned alone, 203, 207. 
family, 204. 
in cuneiform, 308. 
Tyuti, 39. 

UAAY, TOO, 145. 

Uazifrenpitu, 90. 

Uazmes, pr., 7, 13, 46, 333, 334. 

,, nursed by Paheri, 52. 

,, temple of, 57, 65. 

,, official, 39. 
Uaz'shemsu, 69. 
Unfinished state of monuments, 

Unnef, 38. 

Unnefer, 39. 

User, 142. 

Useramen, 100, 140. 

Userhat, A, 68 ; B, 142; C, 


Usertesen I., head of, 149. 

VASKS, with contents marked, 

57. 39- 

,, from Syria, brought by 
,, ,, of copper, 


,, ,, with goat's 

head, 1 16, 
1 18. 
., of glass and stone, 139, 

! WAN, 124. 

; Wand, of ivory, 70. 

j ,, human-headed, 111. 

i Wawat, 102, 115, 117, r 1 8, 

1 121-3, 168. 

I Women, group of, 219. 

,, brought into Egypt 

(see Syrians). 
Workmanship, rapid, 87. 

i Yatibiri, 185, 310. 
i Yehem, 104. 

: Yenuamu (Inuamma), no, 311. 
j ,, man of, 182. * 

! Yeruza, 104, 311. 

j ZAHI (Phoenicia), 35, .101, 102, 

113, 117, 118, 119, 120. 
Zalu, 101, 103, 184, 252. 
Zamara (see Simyra). 
Zamerkau, 39. 
Zanunif 142, 171. 
Zay, head of, 149. 
Zed*ptah'auf*ankh, 340. 
Zefta, 105,